Union Voices: Tactics and Tensions in UK Organizing by Melanie Simms, Jane Holgate and Edmund Heery Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 2012, 203 pp., £14.50 pbk, £43.50 hbk.

Published date01 November 2013
AuthorJohn Kelly
Date01 November 2013
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/irj.12022
Union Voices: Tactics and Tensions in UK Organizing
Melanie Simms, Jane Holgate and Edmund Heery
Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 2012, 203 pp., £14.50 pbk, £43.50 hbk.
Union Voices provides a comprehensive account of the authors’ wide-ranging research
into union organizing, with particular reference to the TUC Organizing Academy. The
book contains a wealth of evidence from many sources: interviews with organizers,
multiple surveys of both organizers and unions, observations of meetings and docu-
mentary sources. The data was collected over a period of ten years and covers 238
organizing campaigns. On the basis of this material, the authors offer a sobering
judgement:
‘It is therefore hard to avoid the conclusion that thirteen years of organizing activity has made
comparatively little impact on formal, aggregate measures of union power.’ (p. 163)
It is true that several thousand recognition agreements were signed between 1995 and
2008 and as a consequence bargaining coverage was extended to almost one million
workers. However, the continuing decline of membership and coverage, both in
manufacturing and the public sector, has been more than sufficient to offset the
limited gains from organizing. It is also true that without the resources committed to
organizing, then union density would have been even lower than its 2012 figure of 26
per cent. For those academics and activists who invested so much hope in the organ-
izing agenda, this will be scant consolation.
Union Voices identifies a series of issues and problems around organizing that help
us understand why the net impact on density has been minimal. Some of the obser-
vations and arguments are highly persuasive, in light of the evidence assembled by the
authors, whilst others are more contentious and will undoubtedly generate valuable
debate. Early on in the book, the authors note that the concept of organizing and the
associated idea of an ‘organizing model’ are both problematic. Data from the TUC
Academy and from individual unions—UNITE, GMB and USDAW—is used to
show that ‘organizing’ has taken different forms in different settings. For USDAW it
is strongly centred around infill recruitment in individual workplaces under the
umbrella of partnership agreements with employers. In contrast, UNITE has placed
more emphasis on securing multi-employer agreements in greenfield sites based
around strong workplace organization. Data from many of the Academy graduates is
consistent with the idea that different approaches may be required in different set-
tings: their training is seen to have provided them with a toolkit of techniques rather
than a single, universal model. Whilst the authors appear to value this pragmatic
approach they are equally keen to emphasise one of its less obvious downsides and
that is the absence of an overarching political agenda. The ‘organizing model’, as
constructed in the United States was not only a set of practices designed to boost
union membership and member participation in unions; it was a wide-ranging
ideological critique of ‘business unionism’ and an assertion of the case for a ‘social
movement trade unionism’ whose remit would go well beyond wages and conditions.
According to the authors there is very little evidence of social movement unionism
(SMU) in the UK, apart from a few isolated examples, and they argue this is one of
the key factors that helps to explain the modest achievements of union organizing in
the UK.
586 John Kelly
© 2013 Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd

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