The UK Gender Pay Gap 1997–2015: What Is the Role of the Public Sector?

AuthorVictoria Wass,Gerry Makepeace,Melanie Jones
Date01 April 2018
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/irel.12208
Published date01 April 2018
The UK Gender Pay Gap 19972015: What Is
the Role of the Public Sector?
*
MELANIE JONES , GERRY MAKEPEACE and VICTORIA WASS
The Labour Force Survey is used to examine the inuence of sector on the UK
gender pay gap 19972015. The assessment is twofold: rst comparing gender
pay gaps within sectors and second through identifying the contribution of the
concentration of women in the public sector to the overall gender pay gap. The
long-term narrowing of the gender pay gap, which predominately reects relative
improvements in womens productivity-related characteristics, is found to stall in
2010 within each sector. This is considered in the context of claims that public
sector austerity represents a critical turning point in progress toward gender equal-
ity at work.
Introduction
The public sector plays an important role in shaping the employment oppor-
tunities of women relative to men across many Western industrialized econo-
mies (see Anghel, de la Rica, and Dolado 2011; Fulton 2011; Karamessini
2014; Rubery 2014). In the UK women are more than twice as likely to work
in the public sector as men and the relative concentration of women has
increased over a decade of public sector employment growth and during the
recession (Matthews 2010; Rubery and Rafferty 2013). Public sector pay pre-
mia are widely reported and these are found to be greater and more robust to
the inclusion of controls for personal and employment characteristics when
measured for women (Blackaby et al. 2012; Bozio and Disney 2011). This
female between-sector differential is reected in a lower gender pay gap in the
public sector (Cai and Liu 2011; Chatterji, Mumford, and Smith 2011; Fuller
*The authorsafliations are, respectively, Cardiff University, Cardiff, United Kingdom. E-mail:
JonesM116@cardiff.ac.uk; Cardiff University, Cardiff, United Kingdom. E-mail: Makepeace@cardiff.ac.uk;
and Cardiff University, Cardiff, United Kingdom. E-mail: Wass@cardiff.ac.uk. Material from the Quarterly
Labour Force Survey is Crown Copyright, has been made available from the Ofce for National Statistics
(ONS) through the UK Data Archive, and has been used by permission. This work was supported by the
Economic and Social Research Council (grant number ES/K003283/1). The authors are grateful for com-
ments from two anonymous referees, Phil Murphy, David Blackaby, Alan Felstead, and participants at the
WPEG conference 2014, University of Shefeld and the GWO conference 2014, University of Keele.
INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, Vol. 57, No. 2 (April 2018). ©2018 The Authors. Industrial Relations published
by Wiley Periodicals, Inc. on behalf of Regents of the University of California (RUC).
350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA, and 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ, UK.
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits
use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
296
2005; House of Commons Women and Equalities Committee 2016; Olsen
et al. 2010). For these reasons (a narrower gender pay differential and a rela-
tive employment concentration of women), it has been hypothesized that the
public sector has a narrowing inuence on the headline UK gender pay gap
(Grimshaw 2000).
The ip side of a protectivepublic sector for women is potentially a
greater vulnerability to scal austerity and the effects of downsizing and pay
restraint (Karamessini and Rubery 2014; Rubery and Rafferty 2013). Adverse
relative employment and wage effects have been observed in countries that
began to rebalancetheir public sectors earlier (Canada [Fuller 2005] and Ire-
land, Latvia, Romania, and Spain [Fulton 2011]). For the UK, the United
States (Albelda 2014), and most European countries (Bettio and Verashchagina
2014), early ndings did not support a disproportionate female impact. Rather,
gender pay gaps continued to narrow (Bettio et al. 2013) and this may have
lessened interest in questions of gender inequality. However, for many coun-
tries, scal austerity continues so that conclusions drawn from early ndings
must be treated as provisional (Rubery and Rafferty 2013). It is signicant that
longer term predictions were less dismissive (see Equality and Human Rights
Commission 2012; Grimshaw, Rubery, and Marino 2012; Rubery 2014;
Womens Budget Group 2012) with Karamessini (2014) proposing a critical
turning point,Rubery (2014) a critical juncture,and Walby (2015) a tip-
ping point.
This study examines the inuence of public sector employment on the gen-
der pay gap in the UK and seeks to uncover the mechanisms underlying this
impact: whether through a lower gender wage gap within the public sector
and/or through a relative concentration of women in more highly paid public
sector jobs. We use decomposition techniques (OB, developed by Oaxaca
[1973] and Blinder [1973]) to identify the part of within-sector pay gaps due
to differences in observed characteristics, or what is explained, from an unex-
plained component that is taken to reect inequality in treatment. This
approach is extended by including a modication of the Brown, Moon, and
Zoloth (1980) method (BMZ) to consider the contribution of womens dispro-
portionate representation in public sector employment. Further, by performing
the analysis over a decade of absolute and relative growth in the public sector
(19972009), followed by ve years of austerity from 2010, it is possible to
monitor change in the gender pay gap within and across sectors. The timing of
this sectoral study is propitious: it provides an early empirical evaluation of
the proposition that the dismantling of the public sector potentially represents
a new and regressive trend in the historical development of gender equality at
The UK Gender Pay Gap 19972015 / 297

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