The Myth of Unions’ Overprotection of Bad Teachers: Evidence from the District–Teacher Matched Data on Teacher Turnover
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/irel.12256 |
Author | Eunice S. Han |
Published date | 01 April 2020 |
Date | 01 April 2020 |
The Myth of Unions’Overprotection of Bad
Teachers: Evidence from the District–Teacher
Matched Data on Teacher Turnover
EUNICE S. HAN
This article examines the relationship between teachers’unions and teacher turn-
over in U.S. public schools. The trade-off between teacher pay and employment
predicts that unions raise the dismissal rate of underperforming teachers but
reduce the attrition of high-quality teachers, as the higher wages unions negotiate
provide districts strong incentives to scrutinize teacher performance during a pro-
bationary period while encouraging high-quality teachers to remain in teaching.
Using the district–teacher matched data and a natural experiment, I find that, com-
pared to less-unionized districts, highly unionized districts dismiss more low-qual-
ity teachers and retain more high-quality teachers, raising average teacher quality
and educational outcomes.
Recent studies suggest that teachers are the most important
school factor in improving the educational achievement of U.S. students
(Burke and Sass 2006; Goldhaber, Brewer, and Anderson 1999; Ingersoll and
Merrill 2017; Rivkin, Hanushek, and Kain 2005). Yet, researchers find that the
quality of the teaching workforce in the United States has been declining for
the past several decades (Bacolod 2003; Corcoran, Evans, and Schwab 2004;
Hoxby and Leigh 2004; Lakdawalla 2001; Murnane et al. 1991). Raising tea-
cher quality, therefore, becomes a primary objective for policymakers in edu-
cational reforms. Staffing classrooms with high-quality teachers can be
achieved by both hiring and retaining good teachers, and teacher turnover is a
key factor linking both approaches.
JEL codes: I21, J51, J63.
*The author’saffiliation is University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT. E-mail: eunice.han@economics.utah.edu
or hane@nber.org. The author thanks Elaine Bernard, Brendan Duke, Henry Farber, Richard Freeman, Barry
Hirsch, Jeff Keefe, David Madland, Jerry Marschke, Kyung Park, Hye Young You, seminar participants at
the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) Labor Studies Program, and faculty at Wellesley Col-
lege and University of Utah for their helpful comments. The author also thanks the NBER for providing
necessary facilities and assistance and the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) for kindly provid-
ing the data. The views expressed herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of
the NBER or the NCES.
INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, DOI: 10.1111/irel.12256. Vol. 59, No. 2 (April 2020). ©2020 Regents of the
Universit y of Calif ornia . Published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc., 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148,
USA, and 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ, UK.
316
The goal of this article is to examine how teachers’unions affect teacher
turnover and ultimately influence teacher quality and education outcomes. This
study examines two main types of teacher turnover: voluntary and involuntary
job termination. The former depends on teachers’decisions whereas the latter
reflects school districts’assessments. Each type of turnover has a distinctive
effect on the educational system, as teachers’objectives may differ from dis-
tricts’goals. Therefore, a clear understanding of the dynamics of each turnover
is critical for addressing school staffing problems and raising teacher quality.
Involuntary job termination includes dismissal, layoff, and mandatory retire-
ment. This study focuses on “teacher dismissal”in which school districts fire
less effective teachers based on their performance. Most states have a proba-
tionary period of 1 to 5 years preceding tenure, and districts have the right to
fire probationary teachers who do not meet their performance standards. States’
statutes also specify a variety of causes for involuntary job termination of
tenured teachers, including incompetence in teaching.
1
According to the Tea-
cher Follow-up Survey for 2012–2013, only about 10 percent of former teach-
ers were let go due to poor performance. Dismissal of poor-performing
teachers, however, concerns teachers at the bottom of the productivity distribu-
tion, affecting average teacher quality.
Critics of unions claim that teachers’unions overprotect the job security of
ineffective teachers, which is detrimental to public education (Moe 2011). At
first, this claim appears legitimate because a typical workers’association will
try to secure the employment of its members. However, the higher pay unions
bargain for members is often blamed for causing higher unemployment in the
local labor markets, so it is doubtful that teachers’unions can ensure both
higher pay and job security. Furthermore, the job security of public school
teachers is addressed through the tenure system, and tenured teachers are not
easily dismissed regardless of their union status.
The economic intuition that is overlooked in discussions on teacher dis-
missal is that employers respond to unions’requests on terms of employment,
which can lead to different sorting of workers based on their skills (Card
1996; Hirsch and Schumacher 1998; Sojourner et al. 2015). Districts have a
strong motivation to dismiss low-quality teachers if they must pay the higher
1
For instance, under current California state law, tenured teachers may be dismissed for dishonesty,
unprofessional conduct, or unsatisfactory performance. Tenured teachers must be evaluated at least once
every 2 years. If they receive an unsatisfactory evaluation, they must be assessed annually until they achieve
a satisfactory evaluation or are dismissed. The dismissal process begins with a school district specifying rea-
sons for dismissal and providing a 30-day notice of its intent to dismiss. If requested by the teachers, the
process includes a formal administrative hearing and the right to appeal to a court. Before dismissing for
unsatisfactory performance, the school district must first provide employees a 90-day period to allow them
an opportunity to improve their performance.
The Myth of Unions’Overprotection of Bad Teachers / 317
salaries that unions demand. During the probationary period, districts will care-
fully evaluate new teachers’performance, as they need to pay even higher
wages once these teachers receive tenure. Moreover, if there exist decreasing
returns to investment on a given teacher (i.e., teachers become costlier through
their careers but their productivities do not rise accordingly), districts will be
more inclined to dismiss these poor-performing teachers before their job termi-
nation becomes more difficult post-tenure. If districts’response to this eco-
nomic trade-off between teacher compensation and employment is strong,
unions may not be able to ensure both higher pay and secured employment.
Therefore, it is essential to clarify whether union teachers can secure their jobs
better than nonunion teachers. This study makes the first attempt to rigorously
test this assertion and to shed light on the relationship between teachers’
unions and teacher dismissal in public schools that has been largely ignored in
literature.
For the discussion about the union effects on voluntary job termination, this
study focuses on “teacher attrition,”in which teachers completely leave the
teaching profession for nonretirement reasons. By raising teacher compensation
and improving working conditions, teachers’unions may help districts retain
teachers who otherwise may find better alternatives outside of teaching and
leave their classrooms.
Literature Review
Teachers’unions and teacher dismissal. Teachers’unions may indirectly
affect teacher dismissal via teacher compensation. When unions negotiate for
higher teacher pay, this may provide incentive to districts to scrutinize and
carefully evaluate teacher performance during a probationary period and be
more selective in granting tenure to teachers.
Numerous studies have examined the effect of teachers’unions on teacher
salaries to find that collective bargaining raises pay by 8 to 15 percent (Han
2019; Hirsch, Macpherson, and Winters 2011; Hoxby 1996; Lemke 2004), and
that union teachers earn the wage premium of 10 to 12 percent (Baugh and
Stone 1982; Belman, Heywood, and Lund 1997; Freeman and Valletta 1988;
Moore and Raisian 1987). A recent study by Brunner and Ju (2019) showed
that mandatory collective bargaining laws increase public-sector wages by 5 to
8 percentage points. Moreover, Author (2015) demonstrated that, in the
absence of collective bargaining, unions can still bring significant salary gains
through other channels such as higher union density, although wage gains are
smaller without bargaining contracts.
318 / EUNICE S. HAN
To continue reading
Request your trial