Public sector restructuring and the re‐regulation of industrial relations: the three‐decade project of privatisation, liberalisation and marketisation in Royal Mail

Published date01 July 2017
Date01 July 2017
AuthorStephen Mustchin
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/irj.12181
Public sector restructuring and the
re-regulation of industrial relations: the
three-decade project of privatisation,
liberalisation and marketisation in Royal
Mail
Stephen Mustchin
ABSTRACT
The British postal service, Royal Mail, was privatised in 2013, following failed
attempts at divestiture in 1994 and 2009. This article analyses processes of
marketisation, liberalisation and privatisation, highlighting how strong workplace-
centred union presence allowed for considerable inuence and bargaining gains
within such highly sensitive political projects of restructuring.
1 INTRODUCTION
Following ve hundred years in public ownership and attempted privatisations in
1994 and 2009, Royal Mail, the British postal service, was privatised by the
ConservativeLiberal Democrat coalition in 2013 (Parker, 2014). Nationalisation
and privatisation remain contested forms of ownership, as seen with the Labour
Partys 2017 election commitment to bring Royal Mail back into public ownership;
therefore, more research on the characteristics and nature of industrial relations in
organisations under different forms of ownership is required. Studies of the postal
service have contributed signicantly to the historical development of public sector-
focused industrial relation literature (e.g. Batstone et al., 1984). From the late
1980s, industrial relations in Royal Mail became increasingly conictual (Darlington,
1993; Gall, 2003), wide-ranging human resource management interventions were
introduced (Beale, 2003; Martinez Lucio et al., 1997; 2000a; 2000b), followed by
liberalisation and active state promotion of competition since 2006 (Beale and
Mustchin, 2014; Beirne, 2013), and ultimately, privatisation through share
divestment. These developments have impacted markedly on work and the labour
process, but union inuence, particularly at the level of the workplace, has remained
comparatively strong in Royal Mail. This compares starkly with the highly precari-
ous, low paid and weakly regulated employment typically generated by competitors,
which increases market-driven and regulatory pressure on the established model of
employment and industrial relations in the former state corporation.
Stephen Mustchin, Alliance Manchester Business School, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK.
Correspondence should be addressed to Stephen Mustchin, Alliance Manchester Business School,
University of Manchester, Manchester, UK; email: stephen.mustchin@manchester.ac.uk
Industrial Relations Journal 48:4, 294309
ISSN 0019-8692
© 2017 Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd
This article draws on qualitative research conducted between 2009 and 2016 to ex-
plore how marketisation, liberalisation and privatisation have impacted on industrial
relations and the labour process in Royal Mail. This raises wider questions about the
impact of market competition, state-regulated market creation and the prioritisation
of shareholder interests on industrial relations and the labour process, demonstrating
tensions between strategies of labour cost minimisation competing with those focused
on quality and maintaining decentemployment conditions (Schulten and Brandt,
2014: 137). The wider question of how sustainable the latter form of employment
relationship is given market and shareholder pressures on employers (Thompson,
2013) is also addressed. The case highlights new forms of conict building on long-
standing employeeresistance to managementinterventions and restructuring.Particular
political contingencies (Fernerand Colling, 1991) associated withthe privatisation pro-
jectallowed for signicant capacity for labour to mediate the impact of these changes.
2 PRIVATISATION, LIBERALISATION, MARKETISATION AND
INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS
Advocacy of privatisation is typically premised on beliefs that private owners convey
greater efciency incentives to managers and workers than ministries, have increased
access to capital investment and capacity to innovate and that labour costs are exces-
sive in public corporations (Florio, 2006:179). Three main forms of privatisation
include the following: formal privatisations, or changes to the legal form of an
organisation without the sale of shares, freeing companies from administrative or
budgetary constraints; substantial privatisations, or the complete or partial sale of
state-owned enterprises; and functional privatisations, concerning contracting out
and the execution of formerly public responsibilities by private companies
(Zohlnhöfer et al., 2008: 97). Related but distinct processes include liberalisation,
where public monopolies are abolished with the state encouraging competing pro-
viders, and marketisation, where market elements are introduced as part of internal
reorganisation (as seen within New Public Management) but without explicit facilita-
tion of competition from alternative providers (Hermann and Verhoest, 2014: 79).
Globally, privatisation proceeds peaked in the 1990s in the context of mass
restructuring in the former Soviet Union and China, pressures on national govern-
ments in the EU deriving from the Maastricht criteria and the promotion of
privatisation in developing countries by transnational institutions such as the World
Bank and International Monetary Fund (e.g. Kikeri and Kolo, 2005). Britain was
an enthusiastic early adopter of mass privatisation; numbers employed in industries
privatised after 1979 (chiey utilities, telecommunications, energy, manufacturing
and transport) fell by 800,000 or 60 per cent in the period up to 1996; 638,000 of these
jobs were lost between 1979 and privatisation itself (Florio, 2006:184186). This era
of substantial privatisations was followed by an emphasis on functional privatisation
during the 19972010 New Labour governments; publicprivate partnerships in
health, local government and infrastructure development demonstrated notable
continuity with their Conservative predecessors (e.g. Shaoul, 2011). Since 2010,
Conservative-led governments have accelerated and deepened these processes of
privatisation and marketisation; in Jessops periodisation of the post-1979 period,
their approach was characterised as radical Thatcherism redux(Jessop, 2015: 23).
Further privatisations and public sector job cuts were implemented under the auspices
of balancing the budget decit and premised on an ideological conviction that public
295Privatisation and liberalisation in Royal Mail
© 2017 Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd

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