Pay Secrecy and the Gender Wage Gap in the United States

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/irel.12109
Date01 October 2015
AuthorMarlene Kim
Published date01 October 2015
Pay Secrecy and the Gender Wage Gap in the
United States
*
MARLENE KIM
Legislators and advocates claim that pay secrecy perpetuates the gender wage gap
and that the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) should be amended to outlaw these
practices. Using a difference-in-differences xed-effects human-capital wage
regression, I nd that women with higher education levels who live in states that
have outlawed pay secrecy have higher earnings, and that the wage gap is conse-
quently reduced. State bans on pay secrecy and federal legislation to amend the
FLSA to allow workers to share information about their wages may improve the
gender wage gap, especially among women with college or graduate degrees.
There has been a sea change in the workforce since the Fair
Labor Standards Act (FLSA) was passed in 1938. One of the more notable
changes is that few women worked for pay when the law was passed, while
today, most do.
1
To address the needs of the modern workforce, legislation
has amended the FLSA to account for these changes. These amendments
include the Equal Pay Act of 1963, which mandates equal pay for equal work,
regardless of sex. But there have been other proposed amendments that purport
to meet the needs of working women. This paper examines one of the least
known policy proposals: amending the FLSA in order to outlaw pay secrecy.
In this paper, I discuss pay secrecy, its extent, proposed legislation to amend
the FLSA in order to prohibit these practices, and the likely effect of amend-
ing the FLSA to outlaw pay secrecy on earnings and the gender wage gap.
*The authorsafliation is University of Massachusetts Boston, Boston, Massachusetts. Email: Marlene.
Kim@umb.edu.
The author offers thanks to the U.S. Womens Bureau staff and former director for their support, the staff
in many of the states that were interviewed for this article, and to the legislators and activists in these states
for their helpful information and comments. Thanks to Reagan Baughman, Michael Carr, Bill Dickens,
Andrew Houtenville, Ju-Chin Huang, Emily Weimers, Catherine Weinberger, Paul Wolfson, Linus Yamane,
and the University of New Hampshires Economics Department Seminar for their help, insights, and sugges-
tions. Thanks also to Jesse Rothstein and two anonymous reviewers who helped improve, tighten, clarify,
and nd all the typos and errors in this paper. All remaining errors are the authors.
1
In 1948, 32 percent of women were in the labor force; in 1938, even fewer were (Federal Reserve
Board of St. Louis 2013; Smith 1979;). In contrast, in 2012, 58 percent of women participated in the labor
force (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2013b).
INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, Vol. 54, No. 4 (October 2015). ©2015 Regents of the University of California
Published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc., 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA, and 9600 Garsington
Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ, UK.
648
Using a natural experiment of states that prohibit pay secrecy compared to
those that do not, I examine whether states that outlaw pay secrecy reduce the
gender wage gap. I nd that in states that have outlawed pay secrecy, earnings
for college-educated women are greater, reducing the gender pay gap.
Pay Secrecy, Its Prevalence, and the Law
Pay secrecy includes rules, policies, and practices that prohibit workers from
discussing or sharing information about their earnings (Bierman and Gely
2004; Edwards 2005; Gely and Bierman 2003). These include formal policies
written in employee handbooks and informal policies conveyed to workers
sometime during their employment (Gely and Bierman 2003). Advocates and
legislators who have proposed to amend the FLSA by outlawing pay secrecy
argue that pay secrecy perpetuates the gender wage gap: if women dont know
what other workers are paid, gender discrimination in earnings can continue.
Lilly Ledbetter illustrates this argument. For 20 years, Ledbetter was the
only female supervisor among sixteen male supervisors for Goodyear Tire in
Alabama. She earned less than all these men, including some who had less
seniority, yet she did not know that she was underpaid because her workplace
prohibited employees from discussing their pay. It was only after she received
an anonymous note that revealed the earnings of some of these male managers
that she realized she was underpaid (Greenhouse 2007; National Womens
Law Center 2013).
Ledbetter is not alone. In the United States, most employees are prohibited
from discussing their earnings. According to a survey conducted in 2010, 61
percent of private-sector workers are either formally forbidden or informally
discouraged from discussing their pay with their colleagues (Institute for
Womens Policy Research 2010). About one-third of private-sector workers
are explicitly forbidden from doing so because of formal rules or policies not
to discuss their pay, with another third informally discouraged from doing so
(Bamberger and Belogolovsky, 2010; Bierman and Gely 2004; Colella et al.
2007; Edwards 2005; Gely and Bierman 2003).
Yet, for most of these workers, these pay-secrecy policies are illegal.
Section 7 of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) protects workers in
concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual
aid or protection.
2
The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which
enforces the NLRA, has consistently ruled that discussions of wages are a
2
29 U.S.C. §157 (2003).
Pay Secrecy and the Gender Wage Gap / 649

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