Labour under the law: a new law of combination, and master and servant, in 21st‐century Britain?

Published date01 November 2015
AuthorPaul Smith
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/irj.12116
Date01 November 2015
Labour under the law: a new law of
combination, and master and servant, in
21st-century Britain?
Paul Smith
ABSTRACT
It is valuable to evaluate contemporary employment law on industrial action and
trade unions, and employment protection, in relation to the 19th-century law of
combination, and master and servant. Such a historical comparison, despite differing
language and legal sanctions, focuses attention on the goal of legal reform’—the
drive to control workerscollective organisations and enhance the managerial
prerogative in order to consolidate employerscapacity to determine the terms of
the contract of employment or for services, and the content of the payeffort bargain,
that is, the real subordination of labour. It is a form of class struggle from above.
1 INTRODUCTION
The market is to work henceforth without the obstaclesconstructed by workerstrade unions freely
formed in solidarity by those employed in different employment units. The market is not even to be a
free market. It is a rigged market in which combination laws price labour into such jobs as there may
be. (Wedderburn, 1985: 43)
[T]he real objective is the return to an individualistic relationship of the masterservant type, with the
sole elimination of penal sanctions. (Wedderburn, 1998: 55)
Since 1979, successive governments have constructed a new framework of labour law.
Continuing to evolve, this comprises the restriction and regulation of trade unionsfreedom
to take industrial action, the regulation of trade union government and administration, a
wide range of formal employment rights (some protecting the employee, others the wider
concept of worker), cost awards by employment tribunals and a fee regime for access to
tribunals. While a number of new employment rights, originating in the European
Community (EC)/European Union (EU), have circumscribed managements discretion
to select and direct labour (for example, making discrimination on the basis of religious
afliation and gender orientation unlawful) and to manage labour (for example, in relation
to working hours), the new frameworkin the context of the decline in union membership,
organisation and collective bargaining so that a majority of workers are outside any form
of joint regulationhas legitimated and revitalised the managerial prerogative to
determine the parameters and content of the employment relationship.
Implicit in Wedderburns comments is the use of cross-classication (Elger, 2013:
25057) as a heuristic tool to compare contemporary labour law with that of earlier,
distinctive historical periods. The law of combination, and master and servant,
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
Correspondence should be addressed to Paul Smith, Management School, Keele University, Darwin
Building, Keele, Newcastle-under-Lyme ST5 5BG, UK; email: paulsmithblist@hotmail.co.uk
Industrial Relations Journal 46:56, 345364
ISSN 0019-8692
provides a silhouette against which to explore the nature of the contemporary labour
law. Wedderburns cross-tabulation of combination law/criminal sanctions and
trade union law/civil immunity to give combination law/narrowed civil immunity
focuses attention on the central feature of the combination laws as conning the
scope of, and control over, workerscollective organisation and action, rather than
criminal sanctions. Similarly, Wedderburn cross-tabulates master and servant
relationship/criminal jurisdiction and employer and employee relationship/civil
jurisdiction to give master and servant relationship/civil jurisdiction, that is, the
reafrmation of the prerogative power of the employer but, again, without the
support of criminal sanctions. The question is to what extent is it useful to attach
the labels of combination, and master and servant law, to the contemporary law
on trade unions, industrial action and the employment relationship?
2 THE 19TH-CENTURY LAW OF COMBINATION, AND MASTER AND
SERVANT
Building upon the long history of the common law and statutes regulating specic
trades, the Combination Acts 1799 and 1800 codied the criminal law so as to make
it a statutory offence for combinations of employers and workers to seek changes in
pay, hours of work, output, employment of other persons and controls over produc-
tion and business, with penal sanctions enforced by summary jurisdictionthat is, by
magistrates (Orth: ch. 4, 15671; Deakin and Wilkinson, 2005: 5861). In practice,
the application to employers was a formality: as the distillation of states and
employerssuspicion and hostility, indeed of all respectablesociety, to workers
organisations and collective activity (Orth, 1991: 5), the Actsfocus and fear were
trade unions, against which they were an important reserve legal weapon.
Inspired by proponents of laissez-faire (Orth, 1991: ch. 5), the Combination Act
1824 repealed all preceding statutes and overrode the common law (by the grant of
immunity) to permit combinations to negotiate pay, hours and output; induce
breaches of contract; and regulate work. But violence, threats or intimidation
remained punishable. The 1824 Act was quickly superseded by that of 1825, which
restored the common law crime of conspiracy but workers could meet and agree to
negotiate changes in their own pay and conditions. However, it was a criminal offence
to use violence, threats, intimidation, molestation and obstruction to cause any
person to stop or accept work, to join any club or make any contribution or ne
for not complying with working rules, or to force a master to carry on business in a
certain way (Orth, 1991: 168; see also Curthoys: chs 1 and 2). The Molestation of
Workmen Act 1859 restated employersand workersrights to combine in order to
amend their contracts and permitted peaceful picketing.
The Trade Union Act 1871 began the process of removing the legal impediments to
trade unions and industrial action. Repealing the Combination Act 1825 (and the
Molestation of Workmen Act 1859), it declared that trade unions were not in
themselves unlawful by virtue of being in restraint of trade. It was followed by the
Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act 1875, which protected trade unions from
prosecutions for criminal conspiracy: A line was drawn between public order and
industrial disputes(Wedderburn, 1986: 521).
Originating in mediaeval common law and statute, reformed and codied in the
comprehensive Statute of Articers 1562, master and servant law enshrined the
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
346 Paul Smith

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