Fulfilling the ‘British way’: beyond constrained choice—Amazon workers' lived experiences of workfare
Author | Phil Taylor,Kendra Briken |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/irj.12232 |
Date | 01 November 2018 |
Published date | 01 November 2018 |
Fulfilling the ‘British way’: beyond
constrained choice—Amazon workers’lived
experiences of workfare
Kendra Briken and Phil Taylor
ABSTRACT
This article makes a distinctive contribution to critiquing the Taylor Review of
Modern Working Practices (TRMWP). Rejecting TRMWP’s abstracted concept of
‘choice’and its celebration of the ‘British way’of job creation, it emphasises the
degree of compulsion experienced by low-pay, temporary workers in local labour
markets. The empirical focus is on Amazon’s‘fulfilment centre’at Swansea and draws
on testimonies of ‘associates’, both permanent and, mostly, agency temps including
migrant workers. The article situates these worker experiences in job-starved labour
markets, considering the role of temporary worker agencies (TWAs) and the effects
of workfare and benefit sanctions. The evidence compels a reconceptualisation of
the triangular relationship between TWAs, employers and temp workers as quadrilat-
eral, emphasising the role of the state. A brutal, digitally enabled lean workplace
regime intersects with a brutal, digitally enabled workfare regime which serves to
thoroughly critique Taylor’s absurdly optimistic characterisation of choice.
1 KENDRA BRIKEN AND PHIL TAYLOR (UNIVERSITY OF
STRATHCLYDE)
The Taylor Review of Modern Working Practices (TRMWP) is riddled with contra-
dictions. The most egregious concerns its relentless advocacy of the ‘distinctive
strengths of [our] existing labour markets and framework of regulation’, its celebra-
tion of the ‘British way’, which it claims, has been unequivocally successful in creating
jobs. Yet, this paean of praise to flexibility must be set against the labour market
iniquities which prompted the Conservative Government to commission the review
in the first place. Context is important. The year 2016 saw media exposure of the
employment rights’deficit in the ‘gig’or platform economy, particularly at Deliveroo
and Uber. Relatedly, awareness grew that much self-employment was bogus, with
deleterious consequences for the many workers, not employees, involved. The appall-
ing employment and work conditions revealed at Sports Direct’s Shirebrook ware-
house (BIS, 2016) epitomised the ills of many contemporary workplaces; low-paid,
insecure, arduous toil performed by disposable workers lacking basic rights and for
whom in-work poverty is inescapable.
❒Dr. Kendra Briken and Professor Phil Taylor, Department of Work, Employment and Organization,
Strathclyde Business School, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, UK. Correspondence should be
addressed to Phil Taylor, Department of Work, Employment and Organization, Strathclyde Business
School, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, G1 1XQ, UK. E-mail: philip.taylor@strath.ac.uk
Industrial Relations Journal 49:5-6, 438–458
ISSN 0019-8692
© 2018 Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd
Faced with this outpouring, Prime Minister May’s Government sought to minimise
political damage by embracing a discourse of empathy with British workers, the
so-called just about managing. Political repositioning required an initiative. Some-
thing had to be done or, more appositely, seen to be done. However, the outcome
was a report that is ill-informed, evidence-light or plainly deficient and which glosses
over, or misses entirely, realms of workers’experiences at the bottom-end of the la-
bour market (Bloodworth, 2018). If its feeble recommendations were implemented,
they would patently fail to meet its ‘overriding ambition’to ensure that ‘all work in
the UK should be fair and decent with a realistic scope for development and fulfil-
ment’(TRMWP, 2017: 6).
This article welcomes the trenchant analysis of TRMWP’s limitations by Bales
et al. (2018) and Moore et al. (2017). They interrogate its conceptual flaws, exposing
its neo-liberal and New Labour ideological underpinnings, its lack of international
comparative perspective, its disregard of ILO’s binding decent work standards and
rights and the European Social Charter. Bales et al. (2018) highlight Taylor’s lacuna
with respect to trade unions’ability to deliver meaningful participation for workers to
remedy problems. The report’s preference for ‘light regulation’contrasts sharply with
the government’s actual preference for strict legislation with the Trade Union Act
(2016) and curtailment of workers’rights, considerations that Taylor evades.
This article makes a distinctive contribution to this critique by emphasising the
compulsion experienced by vulnerable, low-paid temporary workers in local labour
markets. Dominated by neo-liberal assumptions TRMWP is predicated on the
leitmotif of choice, so that in employment and jobs, ‘individuals should be able to
decide’, their choices facilitated by light touch legislation and (minimal) regulation
but not prescription. A telling foregrounding sentence declares: ‘The most important
factors determining people’s experience of work lie in the relationship between those
who hire employ and manage on the one hand and those whose services they employ
on the other’(Bales et al., 2018: 7). Here the employment relationship is depicted as
an individualistic, fair and implicitly equal exchange between the buyers and sellers
of services, where the latter exercise choices that improve their work situation. In
Taylor’s Panglossian world, ‘the vast majority of employers understand the value of
good employment practice’.
The TRMWP fleetingly acknowledges that certain labour markets may lead to
poor outcomes at ‘the individual level’. In a few paragraphs (p.26), it claims to
address the question, ‘Why the labour market does not work for everyone’. For
Taylor the ‘key factor is an imbalance of power between individuals and employers’,
where dominant local employers or dominant employers of certain skills constrain
employees over ‘who they work for’, conceding that they ‘could struggle to get
another job if they were to leave an unsatisfactory job’. This brief admission was
prompted by the Sports Direct ‘scandal’(BIS, 2016). However, these instances are
treated as aberrant, localised exceptions to successful job creation and exercise of
choice. Regarding Taylor’s celebration of choice, which draws on preference theory
(Moore et al., 2017), TRMWP overlooks how workers’options are pre-determined,
not merely by government policy, but by the construction of labour markets accord-
ing to employers’interests (Bales et al. (2018: 50). Such neglect is consistent with
approaches that abstract the constituent elements of good work from their institu-
tional settings and contexts (Findlay et al., 2017).
The worst Taylor conceives of is the exceptional case of monopsony, where a
dominant local employer engages in ‘exploitation’of surplus labour. Yet, for
439Working at Amazon—Beyond Constrained Choice
© 2018 Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd
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