What role does serious mental illness play in mass shootings, and how should we address it?

Published date01 February 2020
AuthorEdward Mulvey,Jennifer Skeem
Date01 February 2020
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12473
DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12473
SPECIAL ISSUE ARTICLE
COUNTERING MASS VIOLENCE IN THE UNITED STATES
What role does serious mental illness play in mass
shootings, and how should we address it?
Jennifer Skeem1Edward Mulvey2
1University of California—Berkeley
2University of Pittsburgh
Correspondence
JenniferSkeem, University of California—
Berkeley,120 Havilland Hall, Berkeley,
CA94720.
Email:jenskeem@berkeley.edu
Fundinginformation
MackCenter for Mental Health and Social
Conflict,UC Berkeley
Research Summary: A popular explanation for mass
shootings is that the assailant “must have been mentallyill.”
A popular policy solution is exceptionalist—enter more
gun-disqualifying psychiatric records into the background
check system to keep guns away from identified people
with mental illness. We synthesized research on the con-
nection between mental illness and common violence, gun
violence, homicide, and mass violence. We focusedon seri-
ous mental illnesses like schizophrenia, bipolar disorder,
and major depression, which are not the same as emotional
distress from life circumstances and problematic personal-
ity traits. We found an association between serious mental
illness and violence, but it is weaker than the public imag-
ines or the media portrays, and rarely causal. Serious mental
illness plays a limited role—it is neither a necessary nor a
sufficient condition for mass violence.
Policy Implications: Exceptionalist policies in which seri-
ous mental illness is assumed to cause mass shootings will
do little to prevent them—and will subject millions of non-
violent people with mental illness to stigma and unwar-
ranted social control. Mass violence is a multidetermined
problem. Because major risk factors forviolence are shared,
improvements in policies designed to keep guns out of
the hands of dangerous people without mental illness will
also go far in preventing incidents involving those with
mental illness. Chiefly, these steps include sharpening the
criteria for gun disqualification and temporarily removing
Criminology & Public Policy. 2020;19:85–108. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/capp © 2019 American Society of Criminology 85
86 SKEEM AND MULVEY
guns from individuals at imminent risk for violence. The
implementation of threat assessment teams and funding for
crisis services for people with and without mental illness
may also be helpful.
KEYWORDS
mass violence, mental illness, policy, prevention, psychosis, public mass
shooting, violence
In the wake of almost every highly publicized mass shooting in the United States, an impassioned
and familiar debate plays out in popular and political discourse over a central concern: What causes
this terrible, recurring problem, and how do we fix it? The positions are predictable. Those on one side
frame mass shootings as part of the larger complex problem of gun violence in the United States, where
more than 350 people are injured by gunfire every day and approximately100 of t hem die (Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention,2018). Those on t his side also arguethat t he principal policy solution is
better gun regulation, including universal background checksfor buyers, a ban on military-style assault
weapons and high-capacity ammunition magazines, and crackdowns on gun trafficking (Webster &
Vernick,2013). Those on the other side, including the National Rifle Association, primar ilyblame mass
shootings on deranged people. The problem is not guns, they argue, but “mentally ill” people who turn
guns on innocents. The chief policy solutions then are to “fix America’s broken mental health system”
(National Rifle Association—Institute for LegislativeAction, 2013, para. 2) and to prevent people with
mental illness from buying guns by systematically entering gun-disqualifying mental health records
into the National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS; see Silver, Fisher, & Horgan,
2018).
When one confronts the graphic news of a mass shooting—including horrific images, terrifying
witness narratives about how multiple people were murdered in a public space, and heart-rending grief
of those who lost loved ones, there is a natural pull to leap to mental illness as an explanation. After
all, why would any person of sound mind indiscriminately massacre people, especially strangers or
children? When trying to understand terrible acts of violence, one easy explanation is that the killer
“must’ve been mentally ill” (Corrigan, as cited in Chen, 2018, para. 6). Of course, such an explanation
has a circular quality (i.e., “Why did this man do this terrible thing?” Because he is mentally ill. “An d
how do you know he is mentally ill?” Because he did this terrible thing.).
Despite its tautological quality, the explanation is popular. In a Washington Post–ABC News spon-
sored survey of 1,000 randomly selected Americans, 63% of respondents believed that public mass
shootings in the United States are primarily a result of mental health problems (compared with 23%
who believed they are primarily a result of inadequate gun control; Craighill & Clement, 2015). In a
more rigorous survey of more than 4,000 Americans, Barry, McGinty, Vernick, and Webster (2013)
found that most respondents (85%) supported gun policies and laws designed to specifically targetand
restrict people with mental illness. This finding is consistent with a much larger body of evidence that
negative attitudes toward people with serious mental illnesses like schizophrenia and bipolar disor-
der are prevalent and persistent in the United States and include the assumption that these people are
particularly dangerous (see Link & Phelan, 2013; Pescosolido, 2013).
This assumption is fueled by the news media (McGinty,Webster, & Barry, 2014), which dispropor-
tionately emphasizes a link between mental illness and violence. Although only an estimated 3% to

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