What Matters to Individual Investors? Evidence from the Horse's Mouth

AuthorJAMES J. CHOI,ADRIANA Z. ROBERTSON
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jofi.12895
Date01 August 2020
Published date01 August 2020
THE JOURNAL OF FINANCE VOL. LXXV, NO. 4 AUGUST 2020
What Matters to Individual Investors? Evidence
from the Horse’s Mouth
JAMES J. CHOI and ADRIANA Z. ROBERTSON
ABSTRACT
We survey a representative sample of U.S. individuals about how well leading aca-
demic theories describe their financial beliefs and decisions. We find substantial sup-
port for many factors hypothesized to affect portfolio equity share, particularly back-
ground risk, investment horizon, rare disasters, transactional factors, and fixed costs
of stock market participation. Individuals tend to believe that past mutual fund per-
formance is a good signal of stock-picking skill, actively managed funds do not suffer
from diseconomies of scale, value stocks are safer and do not have higher expected
returns, and high-momentum stocks are riskier and do have higher expected returns.
THE FINANCE LITERATURE OFFERS NO shortage of theories about investor moti-
vations and beliefs, which translate into choices that in aggregate determine
asset prices. However, testing these theories with observational data has been
difficult. Finding empirical variation in a hypothesized factor that is incontro-
vertibly uncorrelated with potentially relevant unobserved variables is often
impossible. If we instead evaluate models based primarily on their ability to
match endogenous moments in the data, we run up against the difficulty that
James J. Choi is with the Yale School of Management and NBER. Adriana Z. Robertson is
with the University of Toronto. We thank Ravi Bansal; Nicholas Barberis; Sebastien Betermier;
Hector Calvo Pardo; John Campbell; Raj Chetty; Joao Cocco; Lorenzo Garlappi; Richard Evans;
Vincent Glode; William Goetzmann; Luigi Guiso; Jonathan Ingersoll; Ravi Jagannathan; Marcin
Kacperczyk; Panu Kalmi; Raymond Kan; Alina Lerman; Tobias Moskowitz; Stefan Nagel; Monika
Piazzesi; Jonathan Reuter; Thomas Rietz; Harvey Rosen; Robert Shiller; Tao Shu; Paolo Sodini;
Matthew Spiegel; Adam Szeidl; Richard Thaler; Selale Tuzel; Raman Uppal; Annette Vissing-
Jørgensen; Jessica Wachter; Stephen Wu; Amir Yaron; Jianfeng Yu; and seminar participants at
the American Finance Association Annual Meeting, Canadian Economic Association Annual Con-
ference, CRC Workshop on Individual Heterogeneity, Baruch, Baylor, CEPR Household Finance
Workshop, Cornell, Drexel, FIRS Conference, FSU SunTrust Beach Conference, Helsinki Finance
Summit on Investor Behavior, University of Miami, NBER Behavioral Finance Meeting, NYU,
USC, and Yale for their comments. All shortcomings in the survey and analysis are our own. The
authors have no relevant or material financial interests related to the research in this paper.No or-
ganization had the right to review this paper prior to publication. IRB approval was obtained from
YaleUniversity. This research was supported by a Whitebox Advisors research grant administered
through the Yale International Center for Finance.
Correspondence: James J. Choi, YaleSchool of Management and NBER, 165 Whitney Ave., P.O.
Box 208200, New Haven, CT 06520-8200; e-mail: james.choi@yale.edu.
DOI: 10.1111/jofi.12895
C2020 the American Finance Association
1965
1966 The Journal of Finance R
predictions of competing models are often similar or identical (Fama (1970),
Cochrane (2017), Kozak, Nagel, and Santosh (2018)).1
In this paper, we take a different approach: we ask a nationally representa-
tive sample of 1,013 U.S. individuals in the RAND American Life Panel (ALP)
how well leading academic theories describe the way they decided what frac-
tion of their portfolio to invest in equities, their beliefs about actively managed
mutual funds, and their beliefs about the cross-section of individual stock re-
turns. Our questions aim to test key assumptions of leading theories about
investor motivations and beliefs more directly than the usual method of trying
to infer the validity of these assumptions by examining downstream outcomes.
Because we test a wide range of theories on the same sample using the same
research design, it is easier to make apples-to-apples comparisons of different
theories. High-wealth investors constitute only a small fraction of our sample,
so our results are more informative about individual choices and beliefs than
asset prices.2
We find substantial support for many of the factors that have been hypothe-
sized to affect portfolio equity share. Forty-eight percent of employed respon-
dents say that the amount of time left until their retirement is a very or
extremely important factor in determining the current percentage of their in-
vestable financial assets held in stocks, and 36% of all respondents say the
same about the amount of time left until a significant nonretirement expense.
Background risks such as health risk (47% of all respondents), labor income
risk (42% of employed respondents), and home value risk (29% of homeowners)
are frequently rated as very or extremely important. Many people say that
discomfort with the market is a very or extremely important determinant of
their equity share, citing lack of trust in market participants (37% of all respon-
dents), lack of knowledge about how to invest (36% of all respondents), and lack
of a trustworthy adviser (31% of all respondents). Transactional considerations
that have received scant attention in the academic literature—needing to have
enough cash on hand to pay for routine expenses (47% of all respondents) and
concern that stocks take too long to convert to cash in an emergency (29% of
all respondents)—are salient. Personal experience of living through stock mar-
ket returns and personal experience investing in the stock market are rated
as very or extremely important by 27% and 26% of respondents, respectively.
Nonparticipation in the stock market is frequently driven by the fixed costs
of participation (49% of nonparticipants) and not liking to think about one’s
finances (37% of nonparticipants).
Moving to motives coming from representative-agent asset pricing models,
we find particularly strong support for rare disaster theories, with 45% of
1Distinguishing between models that are observationally equivalent in existing data can be
important because they may have different welfare or policy implications. For example, knowing
that the stock market’s expected returns vary because of irrational cash flow forecasts instead of
rational time-varying risk aversion would have profound implications.
2Bender et al. (2019) administer a survey similar to that in this paper on a sample of wealthy
individuals.
What Matters to Individual Investors? 1967
all respondents describing concern about economic disasters as a very or ex-
tremely important factor. However, there is also significant evidence for the
importance of long-run aggregate consumption growth risk (30%), long-run
aggregate consumption growth volatility risk (26%), consumption composition
risk (29%), loss aversion (28%), internal habit (27%), and ambiguity/parameter
uncertainty (27%). Consumption commitments, which can be a microfounda-
tion for a representative agent who has external habit utility,garner significant
support as well (36%). The stock market’s contemporaneous return covariance
with the marginal utility of money—the fundamental consideration in many
modern asset pricing and portfolio choice theories—is rated as very or ex-
tremely important by 35% of respondents. Similar numbers describe return
covariance with contemporaneous aggregate consumption growth (30%), with
contemporaneous aggregate consumption growth volatility shocks (29%), and
with their own marginal utility of consumption (29%) as very or extremely
important.
Although many factors appear to determine portfolio equity shares, the im-
portance of each factor is not distributed haphazardly within an individual.
Among the 34 factors that were rated by every respondent, only six principal
components suffice to explain 54% of the variance in whether they were rated
as very or extremely important. These components can be roughly interpreted
as corresponding to (i) neoclassical asset pricing factors, (ii) factors related to
return predictability and retirement savings plan defaults, (iii) factors related
to consumption needs, habit, and human capital, (iv) factors related to discom-
fort with the market, (v) factors related to advice, and (vi) factors related to
personal experience.
Turning to mutual funds, 51% of those who have purchased an actively man-
aged equity mutual fund says that the belief that the active fund would give
them a higher average return than a passive fund was very or extremely im-
portant in that purchase decision. However, 27% of active fund investors say
that a hedging motive—the belief that the active fund would have lower uncon-
ditional expected returns than the passive fund but higher returns when the
economy does poorly—was very or extremely important. The recommendation
of an investment adviser was very or extremely important for 48% of active
fund investors’ decision to buy an active fund. Consistent with Berk and Green
(2004), 46% of all respondents agree or strongly agree that a fund having out-
performed the market in the past is strong evidence that its manager has good
stock-picking skills. But inconsistent with Berk and Green (2004), only 18%
agree or strongly agree that funds have a harder time beating the market if
they manage more assets.
Finally, collective expectations about the cross-sectional relationship be-
tween stock characteristics and expected returns do not always match his-
torical correlations. Twenty-eight percent of respondents expect value stocks
to normally have lower expected returns than growth stocks, a proportion not
statistically distinguishable from the 25% who believe the reverse. On the
other hand, consistent with the historical relationship, more respondents ex-
pect high-momentum stocks to normally have higher expected returns than

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