Toward a theory of vice presidential debate purposes: an analysis of the 1992 vice presidential debate.

• Author: Carlin, Diana B.
• Position: Special Issue: Political Campaign Debates

The United States' first vice president, John Adams, said of his role: "Today I am nothing. Tomorrow I may be everything." The office of vice president of the United States has been denigrated by many, including some who have held the position. Perhaps the most famous description was John Nance Garner's who said the office "wasn't worth a pitcher of warm spit."

Many political science scholars argue that a vice presidential nominee has limited impact on an election's outcome (Polsby & Wildavsky, 1988; Schlesinger, 1974), and focus group participants in a study of the 1992 presidential and vice presidential debates were split in their assessment of both the need for vice presidential debates and the impact the actual debate had on their ultimate choice for president (Carlin, 1992). Communication scholars, through their limited analysis of vice presidential debates, also contribute to the perception that the vice presidential nominee has little impact on the campaign and election.

While the importance of the choice of a running mate in terms of electoral outcome is uncertain and the power of the office is questionable based on historical precedent, organizers of general election presidential debates have included a vice presidential matchup in four of the six elections in which debates were held. At least one of those debates, the Robert Dole-Walter Mondale contest in 1976, was thought to have had an influence on the outcome of the election (Martel, 1983, p. 58) largely because of the contrast established between Dole and Mondale through their debate demeanor. Mondale, to many viewers, appeared more positive and presidential. Public opinion polls taken after the debate reflected an attitude that Mondale was more helpful to Carter than Dole was to Ford (Sauter, 1990, pp. 63-65).

In 1984, the vice presidential debate assumed a sense of importance because it highlighted the first woman candidate on a major party ticket. As Trent (1990) explained, "the spotlight on the debate had less to do with what they said and did than it had with the fact of their gender".

Two other debates, the Dan Quayle-Lloyd Bentsen debate in 1988 and the Quayle-Albert Gore-James Stockdale debate in 1992, arguably had a limited effect on their respective election's outcome. The Bush-Quayle ticket won in 1988 despite Quayle's inability to overcome all doubts about his readiness for either the presidency or vice presidency. However, some might make the argument that Lloyd Bentsen's superior performance actually hurt Dukakis because he appeared better prepared to be president than did Dukakis himself. James Stockdale's weak performance in 1992 did not prevent independent candidate Ross Perot from garnering 19 percent of the vote, the highest percentage for an independent candidate since Teddy Roosevelt in 1912.

Regardless of whether or not the debates have a significant influence on an election's outcome, they serve an important educational function just as presidential debates do. They help voters confirm their leanings and provide them with a better understanding of why they support a particular candidate.

It is our contention that vice presidential debates not only should occur but should be studied by communication scholars. A significant number of vice presidents have succeeded to the presidency either through a president's death or resignation or through a vice president's own successful campaign. Between 1944 and 1988 five vice presidents--Harry Truman, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, and George Bush--eventually occupied the oval office. The assassination of John Kennedy and attempts on Ford's and Reagan's lives underscored the fact that the vice president is a heartbeat away from the presidency. Thus, voters need an opportunity to learn about the person who occupies the second place on a ticket. This is especially true given the proclivity of many standard bearers to select little-known running mates.

In recent years, Walter Mondale's selection of Geraldine Ferraro and George Bush's of Dan Quayle resulted in numerous questions regarding their experience and readiness to assume the presidency. In 1992 Perot's retreat and re-entry reduced the opportunity to learn anything about his running mate, James Stockdale, a man originally selected as a stand-in until a more suitable candidate was found. Debates are one way to introduce voters to vice presidential nominees and subsequently to give insight into presidential decision making.

Additionally, an argument can be made for more analysis of vice presidential debates as campaign information sources. Such analysis can provide insight into the role vice presidential debates should play in the larger campaign picture and what strategies participants should employ to maximize the effectiveness of the event. Furthermore, study of vice presidential debates could lead to information helpful to those shaping future debate formats and questions.

In this essay we review the past research on vice presidential debates, develop a theory of the unique purposes of vice presidential debates, and apply our theory to an analysis of the 1992 vice presidential debate with the intent of providing guidance to future debate planners and participants as to how such an event should be structured, conducted, and debated.

ANALYSIS OF PAST DEBATES

There have been relatively few studies of vice presidential debates since the first of such debates between Robert Dole and Walter Mondale in 1976. The studies, however, provided insight into the debates' impacts, identified vice presidential candidates' rhetorical strategies, and contributed to an understanding of communication strategies not related specifically to the debates, e.g., debates as exemplars of a variety of communication theories.

A study by Wall, Golden, and James (1988) argued that viewers of the vice-presidential debates do not see the debates as data from which to choose their candidate but rather as a means by which to confirm their choice of candidate. Thus, viewers are not likely to change their minds as a result of viewing a vice presidential debate. Payne, Golden, Marlier, and Ratzan (1989) analyzed the 1988 Quayle-Bentsen debate based on viewers' perceptions and reached a similar conclusion.

Stamm (1985) surveyed ferry-riders in Washington State to determine the characterizations and attributions of viewers of the Bush-Ferraro debate. Stamm noted that the surveys showed a change in perceptions of the candidates before and after the debates. Lemert et al. (1991) studied the effects of the media verdict on viewers. Engstrom, Gentry and Melwani (1989) studied how men and women respond to expert political analysis of political debates.

A rhetorical analysis by Vatz, Weinberg, Rabin, and Shipman (1976) concluded that the Dole-Mondale debate served as a measure of the candidate's readiness for the presidency. Bitzer and Reuter (1980) pointed to the importance of the candidates' debate styles. The focus of their study was on the argumentative strategies of the two candidates.

Hellweg and Kugler (1985) examined the debate between Bush and Ferraro to identify nine argumentative tactics. The content analysis identified the percentage of messages the candidates used that fell into argumentative and argumentative flaw categories. The authors concluded by suggesting that vice presidential candidates are usually faced with the need to both support their running mate and challenge the opposition. Jamieson and Birdsell (1988) suggested that the vice presidential debate can also "minimize the trauma" if a vice-president must assume the executive office and "ensures that the vice presidential candidates have spent some time familiarizing themselves with the central issues of the country".

Arnold and Fadely (1989) analyzed the strategies used by Bentsen and Quayle in compliance-gaining and apologetic messages and concluded that both candidates used these strategies to deflect questions. Sauter (1990) pointed to the significance of the specific debate strategies of each candidate in the 1976 Dole-Mondale debate. Trent (1990) and Decker (1990) analyzed the Bush-Ferraro and Bentsen-Quayle debates respectively. Trent argued that Ferraro's strategies of stressing the importance of the debate and demonstrating competence were compounded by the fact that she was the first woman on a major party ticket. Trent suggested that the debate did not change the outcome of the campaign but was unique because of the rhetorical problems each candidate faced. Decker argued that Quayle's major goal seemed to be to avoid debating Bentsen directly, and Bentsen attacked Quayle's qualifications to be president. Both candidates used a variety of strategies to achieve their goals, but the study asserts that Bentsen was the better debater.

Vice presidential debates have also been analyzed for their significance as case studies of communication principles. Sullivan (1989) analyzed the debate between Bush and Ferraro to examine the differences in male and female patterns of communication in political campaigns. Shields and MacDowell (1987) used the Bush-Ferraro debate as a case study for the appropriateness of emotion in the political arena. The authors studied media responses to the debate to examine descriptions of emotion then analyzed the...