Trafficking, Scandal, and Abuse of Migrant Workers in Argentina and the United States

AuthorDenise Brennan
DOI10.1177/0002716213519239
Published date01 May 2014
Date01 May 2014
ANNALS, AAPSS, 653, May 2014 107
DOI: 10.1177/0002716213519239
Trafficking,
Scandal, and
Abuse of
Migrant
Workers in
Argentina and
the United
States
By
DENISE BRENNAN
519239ANN THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYMigrant Workers in Argentina and the United States
research-article2014
This article examines the varied consequences that the
label “trafficked” holds for migrants and for the organi-
zations that assist them. In the case of migrants from
the Dominican Republic to Argentina, threat of U.S.
economic sanctions prompted the two governments to
document incidents of trafficking by labeling all forms
of migrant labor exploitation as trafficking. Collapsing a
range of coerced and noncoerced labor experiences
under one label has muddied the definition of traffick-
ing. In contrast, U.S. trafficking policy systematically
ignores significant exploitation of labor migrants, in
part because of the volatile politics of immigration in
the United States, and because of the conflation of sex
trafficking with trafficking. The article uses these two
examples of the effects of labeling exploited workers as
trafficking victims to draw attention to the politicization
of the term “trafficking.”
Keywords: trafficking; forced labor; exploitation;
Argentina; United States
To warn women about the potential dangers
that accompany international migration
for work, a nongovernmental organization
(NGO) in the Dominican Republic adopted
the slogan “Don’t Believe the Stories.” It was
a tough sell. Throughout the island nation,
nearly every community, no matter how
remote, shows signs of money earned by
women and men who have migrated for work
abroad. Newly built and brightly painted
cement houses, or sturdy additions put on old
ones, stand out in communities where houses
are made of wood, corrugated tin roofs, and
have no “extras” such as paint. Migration off
the island for work is a frequent solution for
Denise Brennan is an associate professor and chair of
the Department of Anthropology at Georgetown
University. She is the author of Life Interrupted:
Trafficking into Forced Labor in the United States
(2014) and What’s Love Got to Do with It? Transnational
Desires and Sex Tourism in the Dominican Republic
(2004), both with Duke University Press.
108 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
those who have few opportunities to make economic gains on the island. They
want to “believe the stories.”
Patterns of migration for economic mobility are not new or unusual in the
Dominican Republic’s history. A long-standing practice of searching for riches off
the island has dominated the Dominican Republic’s relations not only with the
United States but also with countries in Europe and Latin America. In the early
2000s, however, the issue of trafficking into forced labor began to change the
Dominican migration experience, as it has for migrants throughout the world. In
response to U.S. pressure, the Dominican government undertook a campaign
that ostensibly sought to protect Dominican women working overseas (Chuang
2006). Applying a liberal definition of “trafficking,” this effort returned women to
the Dominican Republic who had experienced coerced labor as well as those who
had been less severely exploited. This article examines the consequences of the
Dominican campaign and how it responded to the emergence of trafficking as an
issue within the international diplomatic arena following the passage of legisla-
tion in the United States—the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000
(TVPA)—and the launch of the State Department’s Trafficking in Persons Report
(TIP report; various years). The first part of the article explores the differences
in the resettlement process for returnees to the Dominican Republic, who told
stories of trouble making ends meet in Argentina (whom I call “exploited”
migrants), and for returnees who told stories of extreme exploitation and, in some
cases, physical abuse and rape (whom I call “trafficked”). I focus on the ways both
groups trust and are trusted in their home communities—processes that are criti-
cal to their well-being. The second part of the article then contrasts the
Dominican response to the politics of trafficking in the United States. Pressured
by the TIP report to demonstrate a commitment to fighting trafficking, govern-
ments the world over have scrambled to pass antitrafficking legislation, prosecute
traffickers, and find and protect victims. The article considers the consequences
that the label “trafficked” holds for the Dominican returnees and for the organi-
zations that assist them, as well as for migrants in the United States.
The article is based on ethnographic fieldwork with some of the first-desig-
nated Dominican trafficking victims, Dominican women who had been living and
working in Argentina. These women may or may not have been trafficked into
forced labor. What is certain is that by labeling them as “trafficked,” the Argentine
and Dominican governments were able to use their identification as trafficked to
improve their standing in the TIP report.1 Travel brokers had told the women
whom I met in the Dominican Republic that they would make good money work-
ing as housekeepers or childcare providers for middle-class and wealthy families
in Buenos Aires. The primary difference between these women’s stories of migra-
tion and those of the thousands of Dominican women who migrate off the island
every year for work lies in the determination by the International Organization of
Migration (IOM) that these women had been trafficked.2 Some fifty Dominican
women who received this trafficking designation were sent back by the IOM to
the Dominican Republic between 2002 and 2003.3 Upon hearing the Dominican
returnees’ stories, however, I realized that not all their accounts align with com-
mon definitions of trafficking.4 While some stories of extreme exploitation

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