Toward a Theory of Police Effects

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12231
AuthorFrancis T. Cullen,Travis C. Pratt
Published date01 August 2016
Date01 August 2016
POLICY ESSAY
DIRECTIONS IN DETERRENCE THEORY
AND POLICY
Toward a Theory of Police Effects
Francis T.Cullen
Trav is C. Prat t
University of Cincinnati
With the possible exception of the role that biology plays in criminal behavior,
few debates in criminology seem to get under scholars’ skin more than
the question of whether—or perhaps to what extent—the police “matter”
when it comes to controlling crime. Where it was once fashionable for scholars to
claim that the police do little to nothing to affect crime (Sherman, 1993a), the bulk of
the accumulated evidence now says otherwise (Reisig, 2010; Rosenfeld, Deckard, and
Blackburn, 2014; Wolfe, McLean, and Pratt, 2016). Granted, the effects are likely modest
(Braga, Papachristos, and Hureau, 2014; Braga, Welsh, and Schnell, 2015), but they are
no more modest than just about anything else the criminal justice system does to try to
control bad behavior (Mears, 2010; Worrall, 2015).
The most recent incarnation of the police–crime debate is that between Nagin, Solow,
and Lum (2015) and Pickett and Roche (2016: 727–751). This debate is complex, and
the field will undoubtedly benefit substantially as we all wrestle with how this group
of accomplished scholars are themselves thinking about this issue. But at the risk of
oversimplifying things, the gist of the disagreement at hand goes something like this: Nagin
et al. (2015) claim that increasing the number and targeted deployment of the police can
affect crime rates by elevating the objective probability of arrest for criminal behavior,which
in turn increases would-be offenders’ subjective appraisal of their risk of apprehension. As
such, perceived deterrence is a key mechanism for preventing the decision to offend. On the
other hand, Pickett and Roche (2016) argue that the link between people’s objective odds of
being arrested for a given crime often bears little resemblance to their perceived likelihood
of being caught and punished. Thus, they contend that a breakdown in the key factor
potentially linking greater police presence to lower crime—the increased perceived certainty
of punishment—translates into a breakdown in Nagin et al.’s (2015) core argument.
Direct correspondence to Francis T. Cullen, School of Criminal Justice, University of Cincinnati, P.O. Box
210389, Cincinnati, OH 45221-0389 (e-mail: cullenft@ucmail.uc.edu).
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12231 C2016 American Society of Criminology 799
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 15 rIssue 3

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