The Role of Fear of Crime in Donating and Volunteering

• Published date: 01 December 2011
• Author: David M. Van Slyke,Teresa I. Francis,Sarah Britto
• Date: 01 December 2011
• DOI: 10.1177/0734016811427356
• Subject Matter: Articles

Criminal Justice Review
36(4) 414-434
The Role of Fear of Crime in
ª 2011 Georgia State University
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DOI: 10.1177/0734016811427356
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A Gendered Analysis
Sarah Britto1, David M. Van Slyke2, and Teresa I. Francis1
Abstract
Extensive empirical studies have established that women fear crime more than men and theoretical
arguments have suggested this difference produces consequences ranging from increased medical
and psychological problems to restricted movement and limited exposure to social networks
and opportunities resulting in restrictive informal social control and reduced social capital.
More recently, a number of studies have begun to test the theoretical link between fear and
behavior, with some suggesting fear will restrict prosocial behavior and others suggesting fear will
motivate behavior that improves personal and communal well-being. This study adds to this emer-
ging literature by exploring how fear of crime affects two measures of philanthropic behavior—
donating and volunteerism. Using a stratified random telephone survey of 2,361 individuals living
in the 20 counties that compose the greater Metro Atlanta area, the authors explore the role of fear
of crime as an independent variable in models of donating and volunteering time to a charitable
organization. Additionally, interaction terms are included in models of volunteering to control for
the possibility that the strength of the relationship may vary based on sex. The results indicate that
fear of crime is an important predictor of volunteering, but not donating, and that the effects are
stronger for women than men.
Keywords
gender and crime/justice, fear of crime, crime/delinquency theory
Over the past 25 years, hundreds of articles have been published, exploring fear of crime and its
correlates. Extensive research has demonstrated numerous relationships between independent
variables such as sex, race, education, the presence of incivilities, and so on, and fear of crime (Hale,
1996), but few studies have explored the consequences of fear of crime in an empirical manner
(Cobbina, Miller, & Brunson, 2008; Liska, Sanchirico, & Reed, 1988). In contrast, much of the
1 Department of Law and Justice, Central Washington University, Ellensburg, WA, USA
2 Department of Public Administration, The Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Syracuse,
NY, USA
Corresponding Author:
Sarah Britto, Department of Law and Justice, Central Washington University, 400 East University Way, Ellensburg, WA
98926, USA
Email: brittos@cwu.edu

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Britto et al.
415
theoretical work dealing with fear of crime is concerned with the possible social control function that
fear plays in shaping individual behavior, police behavior, and public policy, and how fear dispro-
portionately affects women (Farrall, Gray, & Jackson, 2007; Garland, 2001; Gordon & Riger, 1991;
Madriz, 1997; Pain, 2001; Simon, 2007). To test the theoretical link between sex, fear, and behavior,
it is necessary to empirically examine the consequences of fear of crime.
Feminists like Russell (1985), Stanko (1990), Gordon and Riger (1991), and Madriz (1997)
connect female fear of crime to patriarchy and fear of male violence. While official statistics may
show that men are at greater risk of violence than women, the threat of domestic violence and rape
both punctuate female fear and serve to structure the context and manner in which many women
operate on a daily basis. Gendered fear has become a part of women’s socialization, with the expec-
tation that women change their behavior to minimize their exposure to male violence (Stanko, 1995).
These behavioral limitations may also carry over to philanthropic activities and may significantly
impact both individual and community efficacy.
Garland (2001) and Simon (2007) argue that fear has changed the relationship between the
general public and government in society. Public calls for punitive responses to crime have been met
with a myriad of retributive laws, as well as the ‘‘responsibilization’’ movement, where governments
emphasize the role of individuals and community organizations in fighting the crime problem
(Garland, 2001). Similarly, there have been a series of important changes in the inherent contract
between government and citizens. One significant change is the shift from government being the
critical institutional actor in the provision of goods and services to the government increasingly man-
aging and overseeing a broad range of relationships with for-profit and nonprofit organizations.
Pressures for the devolution of governmental responsibility and involvement have become ever
more decentralized in a highly fragmented intergovernmental system.
As the role of the private sector increases, both nonprofit organizations and for-profit organiza-
tions have become more directly involved in the criminal justice system and in providing a broad
range of crime prevention services (Garland, 2001; Simon, 2007). Nonprofits depend, in part, on
a range of revenue sources to sustain their organizational missions and programming. One critical
source of funding for nonprofits is individual philanthropy expressed as donations of financial
resources and contributions of unpaid labor in the form of volunteering. But how the increased sal-
ience of crime since the 1970s, and resulting increases in the fear of crime, has influenced philan-
thropy—a driving force for nonprofit organizations—is still unknown. As both Garland (2001) and
Simon (2007) note, crime fear may be both debilitating, causing citizens to give up rights and alter
behavior patterns, and a mobilizing force for individual and collective action.
In this article, we attempt to establish whether or not there is a relationship between fear of crime, and
volunteering and donating, and control for the possibility that fear of crime may increase community
participation for some individuals while decreasing it for others. Specifically, we predict that the effect
of fear of crime will be greater for women than for men because past studies indicate that women have
higher levels of crime fear and are more likely to demonstrate significant relationships between fear and
behavior than men. We also suspect that the difference between men and women will be smaller in mod-
els of donating than in models of volunteerism because financial contributions can be made from the
comfort of your home, but the majority of volunteer engagements typically require one to leave the per-
ceived safety of the home and participate in a communal activity. We begin by exploring the role that
fear of crime may play in structuring individual behavior and then briefly review the literature, primarily
from the field of philanthropy and public policy, on the predictors of giving and volunteering.
Literature Review
Fear of crime has been implicated in everything from complete individual social paralysis including
withdrawal, anxiety, depression, and other health problems, to moral panics and increasingly

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Criminal Justice Review 36(4)
punitive public policy (Dolan & Peasgood, 2007; Jackson & Stafford, 2009; Stafford, Chandola,
& Marmot, 2007). As such, fear of crime may produce a desire to retreat and protect oneself that
could result in reduced volunteerism and restricted giving practices.
Conversely, some suggest that fear may also be functional and provide a positive ‘‘mobilizing
force that could be harnessed to achieve utilitarian goals’’ (Ditton & Innes, 2005; Fattah, 1993; Jack-
son & Gray, 2010, p. 1). Philanthropy, in its many forms, is a form of engagement in one’s commu-
nity. Making a decision to participate and ideally make a difference in one’s community is motivated
by numerous factors, both altruistic and for personal gain. In terms of philanthropy, fear may pro-
duce what Jackson and Gray (2010) label a ‘‘constructive action’’ in the form of efforts to aid victims
and help the community. Examples of this type of behavior were evident following the Oklahoma
City Bombing on April 19, 1995; the Columbine Shooting on April 20, 1999; the September 11,
2001 attacks in New York, Pennsylvania, and Washington DC (Steinberg & Rooney, 2005), as well
as, more recently when a gunman opened fire on a political gathering in Arizona on January 11,
2011. Following each of these tragedies, there were well-heeded calls for donations, volunteerism,
and improving social relations in communities. It is also not uncommon for politicians to attempt to
use fear of crime or terrorism to motivate political action (Simon, 2007).
One could also argue that fear, and a lack of confidence in traditional sources of public safety,
may lead some individuals to invest in and use philanthropy as an alternative to government. They
may give, volunteer with a nonprofit, and try to play a role in crime prevention by participating in
programs designed to help at-risk youth or reintegrating ex-offenders into the community. Few stud-
ies have assessed how fear of crime influences community participation and whether fear of crime
may lead to withdrawal or an increased motivation to make a difference through philanthropy—
whether in the form of volunteerism or financial contributions. On the other hand, numerous studies
have shown us the common correlates of fear of crime and demonstrated that behaviors precipitated
by crime fear are often gender specific. This literature is reviewed below.
Gender and Fear of Crime
The...