The Invisible Hand of the State: A Critical Historical Analysis of Prison Gangs in California

Published date01 June 2020
DOI10.1177/0032885520916817
Date01 June 2020
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0032885520916817
The Prison Journal
2020, Vol. 100(3) 312 –331
© 2020 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/0032885520916817
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Article
The Invisible Hand of
the State: A Critical
Historical Analysis
of Prison Gangs in
California
Robert D. Weide1
Abstract
This article provides a critical historical analysis of the formation and
proliferation of some of the earliest and most well-known prison gangs in the
California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) and the
conflicts between them. This analysis provides an alternative explanation for
prison gang formation that contrasts with existing pathological perspectives
on prison gangs by examining the role of the prison staff and administration
in the formation and proliferation of prison gangs and the provocation of
conflicts between them. The historical narrative and analysis is constructed
from existing literature, qualitative research using both formal and informal
interviews, and descriptive data acquired from CDCR Annual Reports.
Keywords
critical penology, prison gangs, Mexican Mafia, Black Guerilla Family
Introduction
Since the first attempt to apply positivist research methodologies to the issue of
crime (Lombroso-Ferrero, 1972), the idea of criminal pathology has persisted
1California State University, Los Angeles, USA
Corresponding Author:
Robert D. Weide, Department of Sociology, California State University, Los Angeles, 5151
State University Drive, Los Angeles, CA 90032, USA.
Email: rweide@calstatela.edu
916817TPJXXX10.1177/0032885520916817The Prison JournalWeide
research-article2020
Weide 313
in the field of criminology. As Brotherton (2015) recounts, despite widespread
condemnation, pathological perspectives found particular traction in crimino-
logical research on gangs, especially among positivist-oriented researchers
who cast gangs as inherently violent and criminogenic groups (Klein, 1995;
Miller, 1980; Yablonsky, 1963). This pattern has recurred in much of the aca-
demic literature on prison gangs, which rely exclusively on positivist research
methodologies and portray prison gangs as inherently violent, criminogenic,
and incorrigible (Buentello et al., 1991; Camp & Camp, 1985; Fleisher &
Decker, 2001; Fong, 1990; Fong et al., 1992; Gaes et al., 2002; Knox, 1999,
2012; Pyrooz et al., 2011; Trulson et al., 2008; Pyrooz and Decker, 2019).
These pathological perspectives are mirrored in publications on prison
gangs intended for law enforcement and the public as well (Adams, 1977;
California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation [CDCR], 2012;
Morrill, 2005; Orlando-Morningstar, 1997; Porter, 1982). One of the most
often cited publications describes prison gang members as, “psychologically
amoral and psychopathically oriented” (Camp & Camp, 1985, p. 39). Two of
the most prolific prison gang researchers described prison gangs as “vicious,
ruthless, violent, dangerous, anti-authority, terroristic” (Fong et al., 1992, p.
66). The pathological perspective has persisted in contemporary research,
with gang researchers declaring the “key psychological attributes” of prison
gang members to be “Oppositional, intimidation, control and manipulation”
(Pyrooz et al., 2011, p. 14).
This article aims to provide an alternative narrative and critical analysis of
prison gang formation and conflict, in contrast to existing pathological per-
spectives, by exploring how formal and informal policies and practices imple-
mented by prison staff and/or administration have repeatedly played a
historical role in creating the circumstances that led to the emergence and
proliferation of prisons gangs and the conflicts between them. In contrast to
pathological perspectives that situate prison gangs as inherently violent and
criminogenic, this critical historical analysis resituates prison gangs as prod-
ucts of an environment over which they have little formal control, subject to
constant manipulation and provocation on the part of prison staff and
administration.
This argument is not dissimilar from Goodman (2008) and Lopez-Aguado’s
(2018) argument that racial sorting practices by correctional staff play a signifi-
cant role in the perpetuation of racialized gang factions, both in carceral set-
tings and in the hyper criminalized communities inmates hail from. However,
where they err is in implying that racial sorting practices by correctional staff is
primarily responsible for the existence of racialized prison gang factions in
California’s carceral contexts. They are correct in surmising that correctional
staff and administrative practices and policies played a significant role in the

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