The “Deviant Good Mother”

• Author: Amélie Couvrette,Serge Brochu,Chantal Plourde
• Date: 01 October 2016
• Published date: 01 October 2016
• DOI: 10.1177/0022042616649003
• Subject Matter: Articles

Journal of Drug Issues

2016, Vol. 46(4) 292 –307

© The Author(s) 2016

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DOI: 10.1177/0022042616649003

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Article

The “Deviant Good Mother”:

Motherhood Experiences of

Substance-Using and Lawbreaking

Women

Amélie Couvrette1, Serge Brochu2, and Chantal Plourde3

Abstract

When drug-using and lawbreaking women are mothers, their competence as mothers is often

questioned because good mothers are not supposed to do such things. Consequently, they

are often labeled as unfit mothers. This qualitative study seeks to examine the experience of

motherhood in substance-using and lawbreaking mothers. Interviews with 38 substance-using

women who had broken the law were conducted. Women in our study embrace two models

of motherhood: one is an idealized view of motherhood as worthwhile, gratifying, and true to

social expectations, and the other a model of the “deviant good mother,” which conforms more

closely to their deviant lifestyle. Both of these models influence the way that these mothers

perceive their substance use, their criminal behavior, and the possibility of being a good mother.

The “deviant good mother” model also allowed them to build (or rebuild) a positive and fulfilling

maternal identity.

Keywords

motherhood, lawbreaking women, drug use, qualitative research

Introduction

When a woman becomes pregnant, she soon realizes that her condition entails certain social

expectations that will shape her entire mothering experience. She will realize that her mother-

ing experience is not only personal/individual but that motherhood is socially constructed and

based on ideals of what a mother should be. These ideals create strong guidelines that are

thought to apply to all women. A good mother is thoughtful, altruistic, patient, devoted to her

children, and fulfilled by her mothering role (Green, 2010; Lewis, 2002). She sets her own

goals and interests aside, devotes herself entirely to her children, and does not make life choices

that may impede her children’s development (Lewis, 2002). For a woman, raising children

becomes a time-consuming, emotionally draining and labor-intensive practice (Hays, 1996).

1Université du Québec en Outaouais, Gatineau, Canada

2University of Montreal, Québec, Canada

3Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières, Canada

Corresponding Author:

Amélie Couvrette, Department of Psychoeducation and Psychology, Université du Québec en Outaouais, 283,

Boulevard Alexandre-Taché, Office C-2911, C.P. 1250, Succursale Hull, Gatineau, Québec, Canada J8X 3X7.

Email: amelie.couvrette@uqo.ca

649003JODXXX10.1177/0022042616649003Journal of Drug IssuesCouvrette et al.

research-article2016

Couvrette et al. 293

Moreover, most women experience pressure to adhere to these strict rules of the “good mother”

model, precisely to avoid being seen as a “bad mother” (Arendell, 2000; Lapierre & Damant,

2012; Lewis, 2002). Scholars have argued that this normative model of motherhood is reminis-

cent of middle-class White values (Damant, Chartré, & Lapierre, 2012; Glenn, 1994) and does

not embrace the diversity of the experience of motherhood. Although this model remains per-

vasive (Henderson, Harmon, & Newman, 2015), it is generally accepted that ethnicity, race,

sexual orientation, age, or socioeconomic class influences these experiences. Given this nar-

row normative model, many mothers are thus marginalized and are more likely to be perceived

as inadequate (Damant et al., 2012).

Furthermore, mothers who use substances or engage in criminal behavior experience

strong social stigma, as good mothers are not supposed to engage in such things. The media

portray mothers who use drugs as unfit parents and their drug use as inconsistent with good

mothering (Boyd, 1999; Murphy & Rosenbaum, 1999). These women are depicted as self-

centered and lazy but capable of doing anything to support their substance use (Bédard, 2012).

They are also portrayed as victims, lacking agency, and controlled by men (Britton, 2000;

Maher, 1997).

Motherhood as an Impetus for Change

Studies on the motherhood experience of substance-using women usually fall into two distinct

categories. The first shows some evidence that the responsibilities of motherhood and social

expectations toward mothers can motivate such women to curtail their use of drugs and make

other positive lifestyle changes (Boyd, 1999; De Koninck, Guyon, & Morissette, 2003; Dunlap,

Stürzenhofecker, & Johnson, 2006; Ferraro & Moe, 2003; Haight, Carter-Black, & Sheridan,

2009; Hardesty & Black, 1999; Taylor, 1998). Other studies show that for many women, drug

use continues to influence their experience of motherhood. Some try to stop or reduce their drug

use when they become mothers, but many cannot sustain these changes (De Koninck et al.,

2003; Dunlap et al., 2006). For many women, substance abuse continues to be part of their daily

lives even after their children are born. Some of these women report that drugs and alcohol help

them cope with the daily demands and struggles of motherhood (Baker & Carson, 1999;

Kearney, Murphy, & Rosenbaum, 1994; Klee, 2002; Ritcher & Bammer, 2000; Taylor, 1998). A

number of studies have shown that substance-using mothers thought their substance use caused

them to engage in bad parenting practices, such as exposing their children to a deviant lifestyle,

being unavailable to them emotionally, physically, and financially (Baker & Carson, 1999), and

disciplining them inappropriately (Baker & Carson, 1999; Coyer, 2003). Some drug-addicted

mothers described themselves as lacking empathy or sensitivity toward their children (Polansky,

Lauterbach, Litze, Coulter, & Sommers, 2006) or as neglecting them while intoxicated

(Hiersteiner, 2004). In other studies, most of the women said that their addiction limited the

attention and care that they could give their children (Coyer, 2003; Haight et al., 2009). Yet,

most addicted or substance-using mothers have said that they loved their children, were con-

cerned for their well-being, and could care for them properly (Baker & Carson, 1999; Hardesty

& Black, 1999).

Maternal Identity of Substance-Using Mothers

Another body of literature on substance-using mothers deals with their maternal identity. Some

studies have shown that becoming pregnant is seen as a step toward a positive, normal identity

(Kearney, Murphy, Irwin & Rosenbaum, 1995; Venne & Morissette, 2009). Studies have shown

that despite their deviant lifestyles, mothers who use substances tend to have traditional values

about pregnancy and motherhood and thus find inconceivable having a baby who is affected by