The Deterrent Effect of Stop, Question, and Frisk Practices

Date01 February 2016
AuthorDaniel S. Nagin
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12183
Published date01 February 2016
EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION
STOP, QUESTION, AND FRISK
PRACTICES
The Deterrent Effect of Stop, Question, and
Frisk Practices
Daniel S. Nagin
Carnegie Mellon University
Stop, question, and frisk (SQF) is alternatively praised as vital to police effectiveness
in preventing crime or vilified as racially discriminatory, unconstitutional, and alien-
ating of minority communities. The basis for both the praise and the criticism are
grounded in propositions that are in part subject to empirical tests. David Weisburd, Alese
Wooditch,Sarit Weisburd, and Sue-Ming Yang(2016, this issue) take on the question of the
crime-prevention effectiveness of SQF by using data from the epicenter of SQF controversy,
NewYorkCity.
The point of departure for their analysis is an earlier study by Weisburd, Telep, and
Lawton (2014) that showed SQFs were concentrated at crime hotspots. Because a great deal
of research has demonstrated that proactive police presence at crime hot spots is effective at
preventing crime at the hot spot with no demonstrable evidence of displacement, Weisburd
et al. (2016) reason that it would not be surprising that concentrating SQFs at hot spots will
prevent crime at those locations. This indeed is their conclusion. They estimate that during
the peak years of SQF use in New York City, crime was reduced by 2%. They calculate that
the annual social value of the reduction is $400 million.
Estimating the crime-prevention effects of policing tactics such as SQF is extraordinarily
difficult. As I will discuss here, many questions can be raised about the Weisburd et al.
(2016) analysis. However, in my judgment, it is the best evidence available on the question
of whether SQF as practiced in New York City was effective in reducing the city’s crime
rate. That is why in my role as co-editor of Criminology & Public Policy Imadethe
determination to publish the analysis. I thought it necessary that credible evidence on such
an important and controversial question be aired in the American Society of Criminology’s
Direct correspondence to Daniel S. Nagin, Heinz College, Carnegie Mellon University, 5000 Forbes Avenue,
Hamburg Hall, Pittsburgh, PA 15213 (e-mail: dn03@andrew.cmu.edu).
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12183 C2015 American Society of Criminology 27
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 15 rIssue 1

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