The Children of Intermarriage in Four European Countries

• Date: 01 November 2015
• Published date: 01 November 2015
• DOI: 10.1177/0002716215595391
• Author: Matthijs Kalmijn
• Subject Matter: Section II: Intermarriage and Dimensions of Integration

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The Annals of the American AcademyThe Children of Intermarriage in Four European Countries
research-article2015
This article tests the thesis that intermarriage fosters
the integration of immigrants by studying the children
of intermarriage. Using secondary school–based ques-
tionnaire data from England, Germany, the Netherlands,
and Sweden, I compare the children of mixed mar-
riages to second-generation immigrants and to children
of native origins. Three dimensions of integration are
measured: social integration (contacts with natives),
cultural integration (religiosity and family values), and
The Children of economic integration (school achievement tests). I
examine the effect of intermarriage on these outcomes
Intermarriage as well as interactions with gender, socioeconomic sta-
tus, destination country, and origin group. Our findings
show that the outcomes for the children of mixed ori-
in Four
gins are in between the outcomes of immigrants and
natives. In some respects, mixed children are exactly
European
halfway, confirming a model of additive effects of
parental origins. In other cases, mixed children are
closer to immigrants than to natives, pointing to a
Countries:
model of stigmatization and ethnic retentionism.
Implications for Keywords: intermarriage; ethnicity; integration; social
contacts; values; religion; achievement
School
Achievement, Intermarriage occurs when immigrants marry
a person of native origins or when immi-
Social Contacts, grants marry a person belonging to another
immigrant group. In most Western societies
and Cultural and especially in Europe, the former type of
intermarriage is more common than the latter,
Values
Matthijs Kalmijn studies family sociology and social
demography. Secondary areas are social networks and
relationships, social stratification and inequality, and eth-
nicity. Kalmijn has initiated and coordinated several large-
scale social surveys in the Netherlands, including the
By
Netherlands Kinship Panel Study (NKPS), and, more
MATThIjS KALMIjN
recently, the Netherlands Longitudinal Lifecourse Study
(NELLS). Kalmijn has published recently in journal of
Marriage and Family, Demography, European Sociological
Review, and journals of Gerontology. Kalmijn is a mem-
ber of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and
Sciences.
NOTE: The CILS4EU research project was funded in
the NORFACE ERA NET Plus Migration in Europe-
programme.
DOI: 10.1177/0002716215595391
246 ANNALS,
AAPSS, 662, November 2015

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ThE ChILDREN OF INTERMARRIAGE IN FOUR EUROPEAN COUNTRIES
247
and intermarriage has consequently been regarded as an important indicator of
the degree to which immigrants integrate into the host society (Gordon 1964).
One of the special features of intermarriage is the notion that intermarriage is not
only a reflection of the strength of group boundaries in society, but also an engine
of change in this respect (Kalmijn 1998; Lee and Bean 2004). A mixed marriage
connects the families and social networks of the two partners, which will lead to
more interethnic contact and possibly more mutual acceptance and lower ethnic
prejudice in the two origin groups. high rates of intermarriage also muddle offi-
cial definitions of ethnic groups in a society, which in turn may lead to a lower
salience of ethnic or racial boundaries (Davis 1991).
When thinking about the long-term impact of intermarriage, the children who
are born into a mixed marriage play a pivotal role. The children of intermarriage
are believed to identify less strongly with the minority group and, as a result, will
have more contact with natives, will have values that are closer to the values of
natives, and may have a more advantageous socioeconomic position compared to
immigrants. Intermarriage could thus weaken group boundaries in a new genera-
tion, which in turn will foster intermarriage in that generation. This dynamic
gives intermarriage a potentially essential role in the integration of new immi-
grant groups in society. The integration perspective on intermarriage is well
known and often presented in textbooks and reviews, but there has also been
theoretical criticism which suggests that the link between intermarriage and inte-
gration is more uncertain or more complex than is commonly assumed
(Rodríguez-García 2006; Song 2009).
One source of criticism lies in the notion of stigmatization. Children of inter-
marriage may not be considered as such by the majority group, especially when
one of the parents belongs to a visible minority group. In the United States, for
example, the “one-drop rule” has traditionally specified that the children of a
black-white marriage are black. Research has demonstrated that this “one-drop
rule” is still experienced among contemporary adults in the U.S. who are biracial
(Khanna 2010). As a result, the children of intermarriage may face the same dis-
crimination and stigma that other children are experiencing, and this could
dampen any positive effect of having mixed ancestry on integration. There is even
qualitative evidence that some mixed children experience a tension because they
identify themselves as “native” or “white,” while the outside world regards and
treats them as “black” or “Asian” (Kibria 1997; Rodríguez-García et al. 2014;
Song and Aspinall 2012). In sum, a stigmatization perspective would suggest that
the children of mixed marriage are like other immigrant children rather than like
natives, especially for social and economic dimensions of integration where stig-
matization and discrimination can be relevant. The stigmatization perspective
also implies interaction effects by class or socioeconomic status. Previous
research shows that ethnic and racial prejudice is weaker among the better edu-
cated (hello, Scheepers, and Sleegers 2006). hence, mixed children from
higher-status backgrounds could be more accepted than mixed children from
lower-status backgrounds. The effect of intermarriage on children would then be
more positive for children of higher-status background.

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248
ThE ANNALS OF ThE AMERICAN ACADEMY
Another alternative to the integration perspective comes from the notion of
cultural pluralism or ethnic retentionism (Gans 1997). A pluralist perspective
suggests that the children of a mixed marriage face a more complex set of options
than the children who have two immigrant parents. The children of intermar-
riage are well aware that they belong to two groups and they are actively choosing
identities within situational constraints (Waters 1990). In this perspective, the
children of intermarriage are believed to experience pressure from their parents
and the two sets of families to be loyal to both groups. Some authors argue that
this leads to more awareness of the salience of group boundaries and perhaps a
stronger tendency to choose a minority identification, especially among the bet-
ter educated (Xie and Goyette 1997). Retentionism may also occur if the native
parent converts to the faith of the immigrant parent (jensen 2008). Alternatively,
intermarried parents and their children may reduce the tension of such conflict-
ing loyalties by avoiding issues of ethnicity and nationality in day-to-day life. This
would lead to less emphasis on group membership and a weaker identification
with any group. Yet other authors follow a “marginal man” perspective and theo-
rize that the children of mixed marriages feel more isolated and consequently
have smaller networks and fewer good friends (Quillian and Redd 2009). Finally,
it has been argued that children of intermarried parents would feel proud of hav-
ing a double identity and that a double identity can lead to more frequent contact
with other mixed persons or to a friendship pattern of “panethnicity” (Muttarak
2014; Okun 2004; Rodríguez-García 2006). In sum, the pluralist perspective sug-
gests many alternatives to the classic integration perspective, but it does not
make clear which response occurs under what conditions.
Because there are competing theoretical scenarios, it is especially relevant to
see what empirical research has shown. Unfortunately, research on how inter-
marriage affects children is scarce (Schwartz 2013). Studies on the consequences
of intermarriage for children have mostly been concerned with ethnic and racial
identities (Finnas and O’Leary 2003; Lee and Bean 2007; Liebler 2004; Qian
2004; Saenz, hwang, and Anderson 1995; Xie and Goyette 1997). Consequences
of intermarriage for the three main dimensions of integration—economic, social,
and cultural—have been neglected (Platt 2012; Schwartz 2013). To a large part,
this gap in the literature is due to the fact that data on these matters are scarce.
Most population surveys in which mixed marriages can be detected focus on
adults and, hence, on the parents rather than on the children. Surveys that focus
on children, such as school-based studies like PISA (Program for International
School Assessment), allow us to identify the children of mixed marriages, but
these rarely contain questions on social contacts and cultural values.
There are some exceptions. In an analysis of American high school students,
Doyle and Kao (2007) examined the social integration of biracial students by
looking at the race of a student’s best friend. They showed that black-white and
Asian-white students more often had a white friend than monoracial black...