The Changing Economics of the Supreme Court

DOI10.1177/000271623014700108
AuthorEmerson P. Schmidt
Published date01 January 1930
Date01 January 1930
Subject MatterArticles
61
The
Changing
Economics
of
the
Supreme
Court
By
EMERSON
P.
SCHMIDT
Assistant
Professor
of
Public
Utilities
and
Labor,
University
of
Oregon,
Eugene,
Oregon
OUR
anti-trust
legislation
and
the
court
decisions
based
thereon
have
been
accused
of
thwarting
eco-
nomic
development.
At
the
same
time,
economic
forces
have
had
a
profound
effect
on
the
law
and
its
judicial
inter-
pretation.
The
relation
between
law
and
economics
is
reciprocal.
Eco-
nomic
doctrines
can
be
read
into
the
Supreme
Court
decisions,
but
it
would
be
precarious
to
claim
that
the
Court
has
followed
any
theories
consistently.
Though
it
has
certain
predilections
for
logic,
precedent
and
consistency,
the
Supreme
Court
is
essentially
prag-
matic,
making
our
government,
after
all,
one
of
men
rather
than
laws.
Re-
cently
the
Federal
Supreme
Court
has
well-nigh
nullified
the
Sherman
Anti-
Trust
Law
recognizing
the
efficiency
of
combines
and
even
monopolies.
The
period
before
the
Industrial
Revolution
has
been
described
as
one
of
undersupply
and
starvation,
the
nineteenth
century
as
a
period
of
over-
supply
and
uncodrdinated
production,
while
in
the
twentieth
century
the
lim-
ited
markets
and
excess
productive
capacity
are
becoming
pressing
prob-
lems.
Attempts
are
being
made
to
co6rdinate
supply
and
demand,
to
eliminate
the
ruthless
competition
be-
tween
businesses,
in
short,
to
stabilized
Congress
has
recognized
this
trend
by
the
exemptions
from
the
anti-trust
laws
which
it
has
given
in
whole
or
in
part
to
banks,
railroads,
farmers,
horticulture,
foreign
trade
associa-
tions,
and
so
forth.
In
fields
not
touched
by
this
legislation
the
Su-
preme
Court
has
by
a
process
of
inclu-
sion
and
exclusion
changed
the
original
rigid
interpretation
of
the
Sherman
Law
so
that
today
mergers,
combines
and
perhaps
even
monopolies
are
per-
mitted
and
welcomed.
This
reversal
is
due
to
the
Court’s
knowledge
and
understanding
of
the
efficiency
in
pro-
duction
and
distribution
of
large
scale
organizations
as
well
as
their
stabilizing
effects.
In
the
early
history
of
the
Sherman
Law
the
Supreme
Court
was
given
to
the
laissez
faire
doctrine
which,
driven
to
its
logical
conclusion,
assumed
that
the
smaller
the
business
units
the
more
satisfactory
the
social
result.
Any
combination,
by
elimi-
nating
some
competition,
was
outside
the
public
interest.
This
extreme
in-
dividualism
of
the
Court
is
partially
explainable
by
the
wording
of
the
Sher-
man
Law,
namely,
that
every
contract
and
combination
in
restraint
of
trade
and
every
monopoly
were
to
be
illegal,
even
though
before
1890
under
the
common
law
only
unreasonable
re-
straints
were
illegal
or
non-enforceable.
But,
as
Justice
Brandeis
has
said,
&dquo;Every
agreement
concerning
trade,
every
regulation
of
trade,
restrains.
To
bind,
to
restrain
is
of
their
very
essence.&dquo;2
When
the
attorneys
for
the
Missouri
Freight
Association
claimed
that
the
Sherman
Law
merely
aimed
to
cover
unreasonable
restraints
of
trade,
the
Supreme
Court
replied:
When ...
the
body
of
an
act
pro-
nounces
as
illegal
every
contract
or
com-
bination
in
restraint
of
trade
or
commerce
among
the
several
states ...
the
plain
and
ordinary
meaning
of
such
language
is
1
Commons,
John
R.,
"Marx
Today:
Capital-
ism
and
Socialism,"
Atlantic
Monthly,
November,
1925.
2
Chicago
Board
of
Trade
v.
U.
S.,
246
U.
S.
231
(1917).

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