Sentencing Policy Disputes

AuthorMelissa Hamilton
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12091
Date01 May 2014
Published date01 May 2014
EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION
DOWNWARD DEPARTURES IN CHILD
PORNOGRAPHY SENTENCING
Sentencing Policy Disputes
Melissa Hamilton
University of Houston Law Center
Last year, Blomberg, Mestre,and Mann (2013) in Criminolog y & PublicPolicy called
on criminologists to embolden themselves to offer the best empirical research to
inform public policy discussions concerning criminal justice issues, even if their
research cannot show causality. The main research article in this segment represents a
wonderful example of such a contribution. Kaiser and Spohn’s (2014, this issue) research
directly confronts an area of criminal justice in current turmoil because of doctrinal and
moral policy disputes. The realm is the federal sentencing system. Created by Congress
in the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, the U.S. Sentencing Commission was tasked with
the responsibility of establishing presumptive sentencing guidelines to direct sentencing
judges in determining a reasonable sentence. A goal of the reform legislation was to foster
consistency in sentencing practices and thereby reduce unwarranted disparities. Yet the
U.S. Supreme Court untethered the presumptive sentencing guideline regime in the case
of United States v. Booker in 2005 when it remedied a constitutional errorit found plagued
the guideline structure by rendering the guideline system advisory in nature. Federal dis-
trict judges were given further leeway when the Supreme Court in Kimbrough v. United
States (2007) ruled the judiciar y could rejectguideline recommendations based on a policy
disagreement. Tension has existed ever since these rulings in terms of a power struggle for
determining reasonable punishments, spawning discussions and debates among researchers,
academics, practitioners, and policy makers about how to repair the discord and, perhaps
more importantly, meliorate policies.
Kaiser and Spohn (2014) investigate the reasons that federal district judges are using
discretionary downward departures at a rate of 46.2% (as of fiscal 2013) for nonproduc-
tion child pornography sentences (U.S. Sentencing Commission, 2013). This percentage is
higher than the downward departure rate for any other category of crime except one (civil
rights). Clearly something is amiss when judges dismiss guidelines’ recommendations in so
Direct correspondence to Melissa Hamilton, University of Houston Law Center, 100 Law Center, Houston, TX
77204 (e-mail: mhamilt4@central.uh.edu).
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12091 C2014 American Society of Criminology 237
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 13 rIssue 2

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