Second Major Redesign of the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS)

AuthorLynn Langton,James P. Lynch,Michael Planty
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12335
Date01 November 2017
Published date01 November 2017
RESEARCH ARTICLE
REDESIGN OF THE NCVS
Second Major Redesign of the National
Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS)
Lynn Langton
Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of Justice
Michael Planty
RTI, International
JamesP.Lynch
University of Maryland
Research Summary
Since 1973, the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) has served as a key
source of data on the level and nature of crime and its consequences. To keep pace with
the changing landscape of crime, as well as with the technological advances in survey
research, occasional “redesigns” of the survey are necessary to modernize and improve
the utility of data collected.
Policy Implications
This article describes recent and ongoing efforts to redesign (a) the NCVS survey
instruments to reflect the changing demographics of victims, emerging crime types, and
timely issues related to victimization risk and victim responses to crime and (b) the
NCVS sample to generate state and local estimates of crime. The implications of these
improvements for researchers and policy makers are discussed.
The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) is a major source of crime statis-
tics and of data for the analysis of victimization risk, consequences of victimization,
and responses to crime.1The survey has been ongoing since 1973, resulting in a
Direct correspondence to James P. Lynch, University of Maryland, Department of Criminology and Criminal
Justice, 2220 Samuel J. LeFrak Hall, 7251 Preinkert Drive, College Park, MD 20742 (e-mail: jlynch14@umd.edu).
1. The views expressed are those of the author and do not represent the official views or position of the
U.S. Department of Justice.
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12335 C2017 American Society of Criminology 1049
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 16 rIssue 4
Research Article Redesign of the NCVS
long series of annual estimates of crime through use of its reasonably consistent methodology
(Baumer and Lauritsen, 2010; Biderman and Lynch, 1991; Lynch, 1990). As such, we are
provided with an important picture of long- and short-term changes in the crime problem
and society’s responses to it. At the same time, the survey has been continuously changed
to keep pace with fluctuations in budgets, demands for information, and emerging tech-
nology. Episodically, resources have become available to undertake more extensive research
and development for the survey and to make changes that cannot be accommodated within
typical budget constraints. The ideas and information generated during these “redesigns”
result in changes to the design and content of the survey that are gradually introduced into
the survey over several years to preserve the quality of the data and the time series, as well as
to keep the survey abreast of changes in crime and reactions to crime. This article begins by
briefly discussing the contributions of prior NCVS redesigns before focusing on the latest
redesign of the survey and the benefits that these changes bring for crime statistics, as well
as for the analysis of victimization risk and responses to victimization.
Unique Contribution of Victimization Surveys to Crime Statistics
The demand for and the value of victimization surveys resides in their independence from
official police statistics, the ability to capture the hidden or “dark figure” of unreported
crime, and the fact that they are a unique source of information on rarely reported incident
outcomes. The victim’s perspective is free from the social and bureaucratic filters affecting
official records (Biderman and Reiss, 1967). Furthermore, although 18,000 local law en-
forcement agencies attend to local laws and policies in recording crimes, national surveys
allow for greater standardization of data collection. Theoretically, the NCVS records and
classifies a victim who experiences a violent assault with a weapon by a 17-year-old in the
same manner regardless of whether the victim resides in Syracuse, St. Louis, or San Diego.
In addition, crime surveys offer comparable data on victims and nonvictims that facilitates
risk analysis, whereas police administrative records by themselves do not.
The hidden figure of crime not reported to the police severely limits the use of police
statistics for understanding the magnitude of crime, and introduces a potential distortion
into our understanding of who is at risk for victimization. This hidden figure constitutes
a substantial proportion of crime, particularly among many of the crimes of most concern
to the public. Overall, approximately half of serious violent crime—rape, robbery, and
aggravated assault—goes unreported to law enforcement with just 1 in 3 rape victims,
2 in 3 intimate partner victims, and 2 in 3 victims of firearm violence reporting their
victimizations (Planty and Truman, 2013; Truman and Langton, 2015). Additionally,
certain victims may be less likely to report to police. The gay and lesbian community,
undocumented residents, and other vulnerable populations, for example, may be less likely
to seek help after an experience out of fear of retribution. This selectivity can bias the
description and understanding of these crime events.
1050 Criminology & Public Policy

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