The Proliferation Security Initiative: Security vs. Freedom of Navigation?

AuthorWolff Heintschel von Heinegg
PositionProfessor of International Law, US Naval War College
Pages55-76
IV
The Proliferation Security Initiative:
Security vs. Freedom of Navigation?
Wolff Heintschel von Heinegg*
Introduction: Object and Purpose of the Proliferation Security Initiative
The Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) was announced by President Bush
in Krakow, Poland, on May 31, 2003. 'It is generally conceived of as aUS re-
action to the So San incident that occurred in December 2002 and that involved a
Cambodian-registered vessel en route to Yemen suspected of illicitly transporting
weapons of mass destruction (WMD) components that were ultimately destined
for Iraq.2As amatter of fact, the intercepting Spanish frigates, upon boarding and
searching, discovered SCUD missile parts on board the vessel. However, the So San
was released after it had become clear that the missiles, though coming from North
Korea, were destined for Yemen.
The announcement by President Bush triggered aseries of meetings of the
(originally eleven and now fifteen3)States participating in the initiative. During the
Brisbane meeting they seemed to be prepared to follow aproactive course of action
with the aim to effectively impede and stop shipments of WMD, delivery systems,
and related materials.4However, afar more cautious approach was chosen during
the Paris meeting in September 2003. There the participating States agreed upon
the so-called "Interdiction Principles" which, in general terms, provide the politi-
cal basis for unilateral or concerted activities aimed at the prevention of WMD
proliferation. 5It needs to be emphasized here that PSI is neither atreaty nor some
*Charles H. Stockton Professor of International Law, US Naval War College.
The Proliferation Security Initiative: Security vs. Freedom ofNavigation?
form of an international body, least of all an international organization. It is to be
seen as aconcerted effort by the participating States to supplement, not to substi-
tute, existing treaties and regimes dealing with the problem of WMD prolifera-
tion.6
PSI's ultimate goal is to effectively "interdict the transfer or transport of WMD,
their delivery systems, and related materials to and from states and non-state actors
of proliferation concern." The term "states and non-state actors of proliferation
concern" refers to
[T]hose countries or entities that the PSI participants involved establish should be
subject to interdiction activities because they are engaged in proliferation through: (1
)
efforts to develop or acquire chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons and associated
delivery systems; or (2) transfers (either selling, receiving, or facilitating) of WMD,
their delivery systems, or related materials.7
As regards "states of proliferation concern" it is more or less evident that this
term refers to Iran and North Korea and to other States striving to acquire WMD
and their delivery systems.8At first glance, the term "non-state actors of prolifera-
tion concern" seems to cover transnational terrorists and their organizational
structures. However, in view of the fact that transnational terrorism is subject to a
special international regime the correct understanding is that it relates to all pri-
vate persons, like the notorious Pakistani Dr. Khan,9and entities involved in
clandestine proliferation activities, regardless of aterrorist background. There-
fore, PSI is not to be mistaken for an exclusively counter-terrorism activity. While
the Initiative may trigger concerted actions of the participating States if there are
reasonable grounds to suspect that, e.g., WMD transported on board avessel are
ultimately destined to a terrorist group, its scope is certainly not limited to such
scenarios.
The means by which the participating States intend to reach the Initiative's goal
comprise: exchange of information; if necessary, modification of the respective do-
mestic law and of international law; and "specific action."
Of course, exchange of information is subject to the protection "of the confi-
dential character of classified information." Still, the principal readiness of the par-
ticipating States to rapidly exchange information should not be underestimated
because the information concerned is usually classified and not too easily shared
with other States even if they are close allies. Equally important, and far from being
amatter of course, is the willingness of the participating States to modify their do-
mestic law in order to enable them to fulfill their commitments under the Initia-
tive. If the modification of domestic rules does not suffice because rules and
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