Performance Auditing and Adjudicating Political Disputes

AuthorWarwick Funnell
Published date01 February 2015
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/faam.12046
Date01 February 2015
Financial Accountability & Management, 31(1), February 2015, 0267-4424
Performance Auditing
and Adjudicating Political Disputes
WARWICK FUNNELL*
Abstract: Performance audits have provided governments with new opportunities
to take advantage of the public sector auditor’s moral legitimacy as an agent of
accountability who is independent of government. With particular reference to
a recent performance audit by the Australian Auditor-General which the Prime
Minister called for after he was accused of lying to the Parliament, and adopting
insights from Suchman’s theory of legitimacy, this paper confirms that after an
extended, intense period of resistance governments now recognise performance
audits and the Auditor-General’s considerable reputation for integrity as potentially
potent ways to enhance their political legitimacy.
Keywords: performance auditing, political legitimacy, independence
INTRODUCTION
Subsequent to the transformation of the public sector in the image of the market
over the past three decades there has been the adoption of managerialist
models of public sector governance, collectively referred to as the new public
management (NPM) (Kettl, 2000), which are meant to be able to deliver services
more efficiently and manage programmes more effectively (see, for example,
Hood, 1991 and 1995; Lapsley, 2009; Aucoin, 1995; Ferlie et al., 1996; Leeuw,
1996; Lapsley, 1999; Johnston, 2000; Gendron et al., 2007; and Power, 2000, pp.
112–6, see also 1994, 1996 and 1997). Coincident with the radical transformation
of government, the methods and priorities of which have changed over time
and varied across different contexts, the long standing quasi-judicial role of
public sector auditors has been extended into very clear political arenas with
the introduction of performance auditing, also known as value-for-money or
efficiency auditing.
The contributions and potential of performance auditing were significantly
enhanced with the greater prominence given by public sector reforms to
*The author is from the Kent Business School, University of Kent.
Address for correspondence: Warwick Funnell, Kent Business School, University of Kent,
CT2 7PE, UK.
e-mail: W.N.Funnell@kent.ac.uk
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Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. 92
PERFORMANCE AUDITING AND POLITICAL DISPUTES 93
measurable dimensions of public sector performance amidst enduring institu-
tions of democratic governance which were designed to preserve and protect,
as their first responsibility, qualitative values such as service, honesty, fairness,
access and probity. English and Skærbæk (2007, p.239) refer to the way in
which performance auditing has been perceived as ‘influencing the framing
and implementation of NPM reforms, and as providing a mechanism through
which those reforms are controlled, regulated and made accountable’ (see also
English 2007, p.313). Audit provided a powerful means to ensure that reformist
values become embedded in public sector practices which eventually are meant
to find expression in the efficient use of resources in the implementation of
Executive policies (English and Skærbæk, 2007; Hellman, 2006; and Morin, 2001
and 2003). However, contrary to the widespread acceptance of the considerable
virtues claimed on behalf of NPM, increasingly the achievements and legacy
of these reforms is being questioned. With reference primarily to the British
experience Lapsley (2009) asks whether the reality is that NPM represents ‘the
cruellest invention of the human spirit’ for ‘in terms of outcomes, the failure,
generally, of NPM, makes it a cruel disappointment . . . ’ (Lapsley, 2009, p.2).
In a significant contribution, Dunleavy et al. (2005, p.467) refer to ‘the crisis’ of
NPM which has ‘now largely stalled or . . . reversed in some key ‘leading-edge’
countries’. A particularly unsettling reflection on the failings of NPM is provided
by Funnell et al. (2009) in the context of the delivery of core public services in
the UK.
Performance auditing, which is widely recognised as being a far more mall-
eable construct than financial audits (Guthrie and Parker, 1999; Radcliffe, 2008;
and Funnell and Wade, 2012), has created a complex array of responsibilities
for public sector auditors with a greater need for judgement, thereby exposing
auditors to frequent, and potentially aggressive, criticism from public agencies.
Recently Lindberg (2007, p.338) referred to performance auditing as ‘the
oddball in the auditing family’, an ‘ambiguous concept’ in contrast to financial
auditing, which sometimes makes it difficult to classify the work carried out
as performance auditing, thereby increasing the complexity of the task and
potentially providing more opportunities for the Executive to criticise auditors
(see also Tillema and ter Bogt, 2010).
Public sector auditors provide the means to signal the Executive’s financial
competence and commitment to transparent, accountable government and
thereby provide the possibility of confirming the political legitimacy of those
who govern (Sharma, 2007; Power, 1994, 1996, 1997 and 2000; Leeuw, 1996;
Kitchener et al., 1999, Lapsley and Pong, 2000; Bowerman et al., 2000; Shore
and Wright, 2000; Gendron et al., 2001; and Groundwater-Smith and Sachs,
2002). Macintosh (in Cooper and Hopper, 1990, p.153) would describe this as
a ‘non-rational’ role for auditing whereby audit performs a symbolic function
in addition to satisfying the need for an objective, reliable assessment of the
actions of the executive. In part this recognises what Sharma (2009, p.289)
refers to as the ‘complex interplay of actors’ in the writing and presentation
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