On the Origins of Risk‐Taking in Financial Markets

Date01 October 2017
Published date01 October 2017
AuthorSANDRA E. BLACK,KAVEH MAJLESI,PETTER LUNDBORG,PAUL J. DEVEREUX
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jofi.12521
THE JOURNAL OF FINANCE VOL. LXXII, NO. 5 OCTOBER 2017
On the Origins of Risk-Taking
in Financial Markets
SANDRA E. BLACK, PAUL J. DEVEREUX, PETTER LUNDBORG,
and KAVEH MAJLESI
ABSTRACT
Financial investment behavior is highly correlated between parents and their chil-
dren. Using Swedish data, we find that the decision of adoptees to hold equities is
associated with the behavior of both biological and adoptive parents, implying a role
for both genetic and environmental influences. However, we find that nurture has a
stronger influence on the share of financial assets invested in equities and on portfolio
volatility, suggesting that financial risk-taking is substantially environmentally de-
termined. The parental investment variables substantially increase the explanatory
power of cross-sectional regressions and so may play an important role in understand-
ing cross-sectional heterogeneity in investment behavior.
INVESTMENT BEHAVIOR VARIES SIGNIFICANTLY across individuals. At the same
time, investment decisions, such as the decision to invest in the equity mar-
ket and the riskiness of portfolios, are similar across generations—parents
who hold riskier financial portfolios tend to have children who themselves
hold riskier financial portfolios.1But why are participation in risky markets
and financial risk-taking correlated across generations? Does this have to do
with prebirth characteristics that are correlated across generations (such as
a genetic predisposition toward risk-taking), or is it that children learn from
Sandra E. Black is with the University of Texas at Austin, NHH, IZA, and NBER. Paul J.
Devereux is with University College Dublin, CEPR, and IZA. Petter Lundborg is with Lund Uni-
versity, IZA, and Knut WicksellCentre for Financial Studies. Kaveh Majlesi is with Lund Univer-
sity, IZA, and Knut WicksellCentre for Financial Studies. The data used in this paper come from
the Swedish Interdisciplinary Panel (SIP) administered at the Centre for Economic Demography,
Lund University,Sweden. This paper has benefited from the valuable comments of conference par-
ticipants at the 2015 NBER Summer Institute, the 2015 NBER Behavioral Finance Fall meeting,
the 2016 Western Finance Association annual meetings, the 2016 European Finance Association,
Austin-Bergen-London Workshop, and SoLE/EALE, as well as from participants at seminars at
the Copenhagen Business School, Lund University,Southern Denmark University, The University
of Texas at Austin, and UC Davis. Wethank Nigel Jones Barradale, Henrik Cronqvist, Francisco
Gomes, Camelia Kuhnen, and Stephan Siegel for comments and discussion. We also thank the
Editor, Kenneth Singleton, and two anonymous referees for insightful comments that helped us
improve our paper. Erik Grenestam provided excellent research assistance. All errors are our own.
The authors have read the Journal of Finance’s disclosure policy and have no conflicts of interest
to disclose.
1For example, Charles and Hurst (2003) document similarities in asset holdings between
children and their parents.
DOI: 10.1111/jofi.12521
2229
2230 The Journal of Finance R
parents, and risk-taking behavior is acquired over one’s lifetime?2Is it nature
or is it nurture?
Understanding the intergenerational persistence of participation in risky
financial markets and the riskiness of financial portfolios is important, first
and foremost, because it sheds light on the origins of differences in investment
behavior across individuals. It is also important because of the potential welfare
implications. Historically, risky market investment has had a higher return
compared to safer financial assets such as bonds and money market funds.
Thus, to the extent that participation and risk-taking behavior are correlated
with wealth, these behaviors can exacerbate or mitigate wealth inequality over
time.
To evaluate the role of nature versus nurture, we take advantage of a unique
feature of the Swedish adoption system whereby we observe both the biological
and the adoptive parents of adopted children. We use administrative data on
the portfolio choices of a large sample of adopted children born between 1950
and 1980 merged with similar information for their biological and adoptive
parents, as well as corresponding data on own-birth children. We disentangle
the role of nature versus nurture by looking at how the behavior of adopted
children relates to that of both their biological and adoptive parents. Adoption
allows us to examine the effects of environmental factors in a situation where
children have no genetic relationship with their (adoptive) parents.
We find evidence for important effects of both biological and adoptive parents
on stock market participation, implying a role for both genetic as well as en-
vironmental influences.3However, while we find evidence that both genes and
environment affect portfolio volatility, there is little evidence for any genetic
effect on the share of financial wealth invested in equities. Overall, we gener-
ally find that nurture has a stronger influence than nature on risk-taking by
children irrespective of the precise outcome variable we study. Our conclusions
are robust to a variety of robustness and specification checks.
We also examine the mechanisms underlying the environmental effects that
we find. Importantly, the relationships between the risky share and portfolio
volatility of adoptive parents and their children remains largely intact even
when we control for parental financial and real estate wealth, earnings, edu-
cation, and entrepreneurship status. This suggests that parental investment
behavior is not simply a proxy for other adoptive parental characteristics and
plausibly has a direct effect on child behavior. We also find that the relation-
ships between the risky share and portfolio volatility of adoptive parents and
their children remains strong after controlling for child education and wealth,
indicating that an important mechanism may be parental influence on child
attitudes toward risk. Consistent with this and theories of role modeling, we
2Recent research in gene-mapping suggests that specific genes are associated with risk attitudes
and risk-taking behavior. See, for example, Kuhnen and Chiao (2009).
3We can only distinguish between prebirth and postbirth effects using adoptees, so what we
refer to as genetic or biological effects will also include the effects of the in utero environment.
On the Origins of Risk-Taking 2231
find suggestive evidence that men are more influenced by their adoptive father
and women by their adoptive mother.
While many covariates are strong predictors of stock market participation,
regressions for the share of financial wealth allocated to stocks and for portfo-
lio volatility can have relatively low explanatory power (e.g., Calvet and Sodini
(2014) report an adjusted R2for the risky share of about 12%).4Having estab-
lished that parental investment variables are important predictors of children’s
investment behavior, we also show that the parental investment variables sub-
stantially increase the explanatory power of cross-sectional regressions and so
may play an important role in understanding cross-sectional heterogeneity in
investment behavior.
Our paper relates to an active literature that documents intergenerational
correlations in both risk preferences and asset allocations. Charles and Hurst
(2003), Hryshko, Luengo-Prado, and Sørensen (2011), Dohmen et al. (2012),
and Kimball, Sahm, and Shapiro (2009) document similarities in self-reported
attitudes toward risk across generations. The same tendency in the choice of
assets across generations is documented by Chiteji and Stafford (1999)and
Charles and Hurst (2003), among others.
To distinguish between genetic and environmental determinants of risky
financial behavior, the literature has primarily focused on twin studies.5
Cesarini et al. (2010) and Barnea, Cronqvist, and Siegel (2010) both use differ-
ences between identical and fraternal twins to decompose the cross-sectional
variation in investor behavior. Interestingly, they find little role for shared
environmental factors, suggesting that parental influences on children oper-
ate predominantly through genetic channels. However, the twin approach is
fundamentally different from what we do with the adoption data in that it de-
composes the total variation in asset allocation into genetic and environmental
factors; it does so by making relatively strong assumptions about similarities
in environment across fraternal and identical twins. Our approach studies the
intergenerational association and relies on an entirely different set of assump-
tions. Because of the differences in the methodologies and goals, the approaches
can be seen as complements rather than substitutes.6
Adoption studies have been widely used by economists in other contexts to
determine the relative roles of genes and environment in influencing economic
behavior. Much of this research incorporates information on outcomes of adop-
tive parents but not on the biological parents of adopted children. Thus, it
does not compare the relative effects on adopted children of the behaviors or
outcomes of biological and adoptive parents, but instead compares the corre-
lation of adopted children with adopted parents relative to the correlation of
biological children with their biological parents and infers the role of nature
4Calvet and Sodini (2014) use a sample of twins and find greater explanatory power when they
include twin fixed effects.
5Also, Dohmen et al. (2012) use data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP)
and find evidence of environmental influences in the determination of child risk attitudes net of
parental risk attitudes, suggesting that both nature and nurture play a role.
6We discuss how our estimates compare to those from twin studies in more detail below.

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