Not all threats are taken equally: Evidence from proxy fights

Published date01 February 2020
AuthorJian Huang,Susan M. V. Flaherty,Fang Chen,Gokhan Torna,Lijing Du
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/fire.12220
Date01 February 2020
DOI: 10.1111/fire.12220
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Not all threats are taken equally: Evidence from
proxy fights
Fang Chen1Lijing Du2Susan M. V.Flaherty2Jian Huang2
Gokhan Torna3
1College of Business, University of New Haven,
WestHaven, Connecticut
2College of Business and Economics, Towson
University, Towson,Maryland
3College of Business, State University of New
Yorkat Stony Brook, Stony Brook, New York
Correspondence
JianHuang, College of Business and Economics,
TowsonUniversity,Towson,MD 21252.
Email:jhuang@towson.edu
Abstract
Previous research shows that activist threats lead to corporate pol-
icy concessions. We find that the threat of proxy fights is responded
to differently based on its credibility. Decomposing proxy fight
threats, we find that only credible threats are associated with more
leveraged, more innovative, and less acquisitive corporate policies.
Management, however, does not respond to noncredible threats.
Further, for materialized fights, the market reaction at announce-
ment is also conditional on the credibility of the threats. Overall,
not all activist threats are responded to equally by management or
the market,and only credible threats achieve disciplinary effects and
favorablevaluation.
KEYWORDS
activist threats, credible threats, disciplinary effects, market
reaction, noncredible threats, proxy fights
JEL CLASSIFICATIONS
G14, G31, G34, G35
[I]n many cases activist investorscan reap the benefits of a ‘win’ with far less than a formal proxy contest.
—The activist revolution, J. P.Morgan, January 2015 (Page 7)
1INTRODUCTION
Quite often, the theory of the firm attributes the survival of the corporate form to devices such as proxy fights that
constrain the potential incentive problems created by the separation of ownership and control. Alchian and Demsetz
(1972, p. 788) state that “the transfer of proxies enhances the probability of a decisive action in the event current
Financial Review.2020;55:145–168. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/fire c
2019 The Eastern Finance Association 145
146 CHEN ET AL.
stockholders or anyoutsider believe that management is not doing a good job with the corporation.” However, activists
do not necessarily need to launch a proxy fight to achievetheir goal of disciplining incumbent management and chang-
ing corporate policies (Brav,Jiang, Partnoy,& Thomas, 2008; Fos, 2017; Gantchev, Gredil, & Jotikasthira, 2018; Klein &
Zur,2009; Zhu, 2013). The report by J. P. Morgan (2015, p. 7) indicates that “in many cases activist investors can reap
the benefits of a ‘win’ with far less than a formal proxy contest.”
Existingstudies help to explain the paradox that while proxy fights are deemed to be effective in constraining agency
issues, only few are observed. However, this stream of literature focuses primarily on the activist threat, which has
already been escalated to the stage of news reports or Schedule 13D filings—that is, methods used by activists to com-
municate their desire to begin a proxy solicitation “but never got to the SEC [Securities and Exchange Commission]
level of an actual solicitation” (Klein & Zur,2009, p. 215). According to Brav et al. (2008), these under-the-spotlight
threats apply to only a small fraction of firms—about 2.68% firm-years of the COMPUSTAT universe. The limitation is
clear—behind-the-scene threats are mostly private engagement, which restricts the data availability.1
We posit that the proxy fight threat exists to a much larger scope, and targeted and yet-to-be-targeted firms are
actively seeking advice from investment banks and corporatelawyers, “with a view towards minimizing vulnerabilities
to attacks” by potential activists, such as monitoring whether any meaningful ownership has been built up by potential
activists or “whether the company’s stock is trading at a discount” (New YorkTimes, November 11, 2013).2Fos (2017,
p. 666) suggests that the disciplinary role for proxy contests is not limited to firms that are actually targeted in proxy
contests—firms can “probably realize that the likelihood of shareholder intervention increases.”3
Regardlessof whether a Schedule 13D has been filed, such a threat exists anytime for any firm. Central to addressing
the impact of such a threat requires an evaluation of its magnitude. In other words, we need to measure the threat of
actually being targeted for firms without initiated proxy fights or activism.
Further,by acknowledging that the proxy fight threat should be an effective disciplinary tool in general (e.g., Brav
et al., 2008; Fos, 2017), we argue that its effectiveness relies on the credibility of the threat. By making concessions
when facing credible threats, incumbent managers share the gains with potential activists. Incumbents avoid manage-
rial turnover and reputation or compensation loss due to the possibility of losing a proxy fight developedfrom a cred-
ible threat (Huang & Yen, 1996), whereas activists avoidthe efforts/costs in building up stakes and initiating a costly
proxy fight (Bhattacharya, 1997). In contrast, incumbents are unwilling to makeconcessions while facing noncredible
threats as managers are likely to survive such a proxy fight evenwhen it materializes. More importantly, the cases in
which dissidents are unlikely to win may be terminated long before they materialize and never get responded to by
management. Such noncredible threats may pertain to, for example,cases where operating/stock market performance
of a firm is deemed to be acceptable and/or dissidents are not able to accumulate significant ownership to push the
proxy fight through. This situation is analogous to litigations in which a lawsuit will succeed in extractinga settlement
(concessions) only with a credible threat (Bebchuk, 2007).
Totest whether a proxy fight threat achieves any meaningful concessions from management and the effect of the
credibility of such threat, our empirical analysis and results unfold as follows. First, we use a two-stage Heckman model
to estimate the probability of proxyfight threat and to decompose proxy fight threats into credible versus noncredible
threats.Proxy Fight Threat is the probability of a firm being targeted by a proxy fight in a given year,which is estimated by
Pr(ProxyFight).4Credible Threat is the probability of a firm being targeted in a proxy fight in the year and at the same time
losing the fight if it is materialized, which is estimated by the interactionof Pr(Proxy Fight)andPr(DissidentVictory|Proxy
1Thelimited research on private engagement, without exceptions, all rely on proprietary data sets and are normally restrained to a single institutional investor
suchas TIAA-CREF (Carleton, Nelson, & Weisbach, 1998) and the Hermes UK Focus Fund (Becht, Franks, Mayer,& Rossi, 2009).
2Seehttps://search.proquest.com/docview/2214204135/fulltext/E4B6507F807F43EEPQ/1?accountid=14378
3Marketparticipants’ and corporate executives’ability to forecast the occurrence of corporate events has been documented for proxy contests as wellasother
events. Forexample, Huang, Jain, and Torna (2018) find policy adjustment before the materialized proxy contests is generally in the interests of dissidents,
inferring that management can forecast such events and outcomes. Likewise, for other corporateevents such as acquisitions, Anderson, Huang, and Torna
(2017)and Anderson and Huang (2017) suggest that acquisitions can be forecasted by characteristics observed as early as the initial public offering.
4Acaveat is that we do not examine the credibility of any specific activist, but rather a firm’s likelihood to be attacked as well as its likelihood to losethefight
shouldone occur. Specifically, we estimate Proxy Fight Threat,t he probability of a firm being targeted bya proxy fight, for all COMPUSTAT firms, targeted and

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