“Nobody’s Pretending That It’s Ideal”: Conflict, Women, and Imprisonment in Northern Ireland

AuthorLinda Moore
Published date01 March 2011
Date01 March 2011
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0032885510389563
Subject MatterArticles
The Prison Journal
91(1) 103 –125
© 2011 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/0032885510389563
http://tpj.sagepub.com
389563TPJ91110.1177/003288
5510389563MooreThe Prison Journal
© 2011 SAGE Publications
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1School of Criminology, Politics and Social Policy, University of Ulster, Northern Ireland, UK
Corresponding Author:
Linda Moore, University of Ulster Jordanstown Campus School of Criminology, Politics, &
Social Policy, Shore Road, Newtownabbey, Co. Antrim, Ireland.
Email: l.moorel@ulster.ac.uk
“Nobody’s Pretending
That It’s Ideal”:
Conflict, Women,
and Imprisonment
in Northern Ireland
Linda Moore1
Abstract
Based on primary qualitative research with women prisoners in Northern
Ireland (conducted for the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission by
the author with Professor Phil Scraton1, Professor of Criminology, School
of Law, Queens University Belfast), this article documents the serious and
persistent breaches of international rights standards experienced by incar-
cerated women and the continued impact of the violent political conflict in
the North on women’s penal regimes. Feminist authors have commented on
the gendered nature of the state’s punishment of politically motivated women
in Armagh prison during the years of conflict and have also discussed the ways
in which women prisoners used their bodies as weapons of resistance. It is
argued here that the failure of the authorities to effectively tackle the histori-
cal and current breaches of women prisoners’ rights as part of the process of
transition to a more peaceful society has allowed the continuation of control
and punishment-oriented regimes for “ordinary” women prisoners. The arti-
cle explores the state’s failure to reform the women’s prison system in North-
ern Ireland in the face of successive critical reports from regional, national,
and international inspection and “watchdog” bodies that have recommended
the establishment of a new “rights-based” women’s prison unit alongside the
development of a gender-specific strategy and policies. The article concludes
by assessing the current opportunities for change.
Article
104 The Prison Journal 91(1)
Keywords
women, prison, Northern Ireland, transition
Context of Political Imprisonment and
Prisoner Resistance in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland (or the “North”) is a society emerging from years of violent
political conflict, although sectarianism, political division, poverty, and vio-
lence persist. Over the course of the “Troubles,” more than 3,700 people
have been killed, more than 40,000 injured, and thousands made homeless,
bereaved, and traumatized (McGrattan, 2010). Most of the dead were killed
by Republican or loyalist paramilitary violence and 11% by state forces.
However, there have been continued allegations of collaboration between
the state and loyalist nonstate paramilitaries (Fitzduff & O’Hagan, 2009).
Fitzduff and O’Hagan conclude that in the context of the small population of
Northern Ireland, one and a half million, “it has been estimated that the num-
ber of people closely associated to those who were killed or injured is about
half the population.”
Penal regimes in the North were shaped by and impacted on the political
conflict. Kieran McEvoy (1998, p. 40) has commented on the North’s histori-
cally “unique” prison system with its high rates of imprisonment for “polit-
ically motivated” offences and where three quarters of prisoners were serving
sentences of more than 4 years and more than one fifth were serving indeter-
minate or life sentences. The state used a succession of strategies aimed at
containing, criminalizing, breaking, or managing politically motivated prison-
ers, all of which were collectively resisted by the prisoners themselves. The
resistance included a range of techniques: escape, refusal to cooperate with the
regime, “blanket,” “no wash,” and “dirt” protests, hunger strikes—leading in
1981 to the deaths of 10 men, electoral campaigns—including the election to
the U.K. parliament of Republican hunger-striking prisoner, Bobby Sands, and
violence, both inside and outside the prisons. Republican (antipartition) and
loyalist (pro-Union) prisoners resisted criminalization. However, Republican
prisoners were more consistent and strenuous in their opposition, loyalist pris-
oners being conflicted regarding the authority of the prison system.
The North’s prison system was shaped by societal division, the majority
of prison guards being from protestant, unionist community backgrounds.
Twenty nine prison officers were killed during the conflict, and many
more had their homes fire-bombed or had to flee following threats from

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