Narcotics and Drug Abuse

AuthorBryce Pardo,Peter Reuter
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12363
Published date01 May 2018
Date01 May 2018
RESEARCH ARTICLE
PRESIDENT’S CRIME COMMISSION:
PAST AND FUTURE
Narcotics and Drug Abuse
Foreshadowing of 50 Years of Change
Bryce Pardo
Peter Reuter
University of Maryland—College Park
Abstract
Fifty years ago, the U.S. President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Adminis-
tration of Justice saw drugs as a modest but growing problem for the criminal justice
system. The reemergence of heroin occupied the Commission’s attention. Many recom-
mendations are admirable, such as a focus on public health interventions and a concern
about the appropriateness of criminal prohibitions on marijuana use. Throughout the
past 50 years, the problem has both massively expanded and changed in many ways; the
principal drug of abuse has shifted multiple times, as has the populations most affected
by them. Policy, largely stuck on tough enforcement for 30 years, is now moving in
a direction more consistent with the Commission’s views. Researchers have made only
modest advances in understanding what enforcement can do to reduce drug use and
related problems, but society has made some progress in developing interventions that
have both a sound theoretical base and the promise of avoiding the unintended negative
consequences of the highly punitive system of the 1980s and 1990s. A Commission in
2018 would face a much different and larger problem that has transformed many
aspects of criminal justice. Investing in more data collection and evaluation research
would be among its major recommendations, as would an admission of considerable
uncertainty about what to do with the latest twist in the U.S. drug problem, the
addition of the much more dangerous fentanyls.
Keywords
illegal drugs, drug policy, President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Adminis-
tration of Justice
We are happy to acknowledge helpful comments from two anonymous referees. Direct correspondence to
Peter Reuter, University of Maryland School of Public Policy, 2101 Van Munching Hall, College Park, MD 20742
(e-mail: preuter@umd.edu).
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12363 C2018 American Society of Criminology 419
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 17 rIssue 2
Research Article President’s Crime Commission: Past and Future
Law enforcement had long been tasked with handling problems generated by the
supply and use of psychoactive substances. By the 1960s, changing norms and
growing wealth brought new illegal drugs and drug-using behaviors. Mass illegal
markets in plant-based drugs as well as diverted pharmaceuticals and hallucinogens emerged
in major population centers around the country. Heroin, the drug most associated with
social decline, was returning to urban centers after more than a 40-year hiatus (Musto,
2002). Concerns about acquisitive crime committed by heroin users contributed to the
general public’s fear and frustration with theft and robbery. The growing number of lives
lost to addiction and overdose contributed to a sense of urgency. Although difficult to
measure, the number of opiate addicts reported at the time amounted to slightly less than
60,000, based on primitive epidemiological techniques. Concerns centered on the increasing
importance of drug trafficking activity, especially of foreign-sourced drugs like heroin and
marijuana, for organized crime; profits from the drug trade were thought to fuel other
criminal activities. Responding to the drug problem of the late 1960s required an increasing
share of law enforcement resources.
Written at the dawn of modern mass illegal drug markets, the U.S. President’s Com-
mission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice’s (commonly known as the
President’s Crime Commission or just “the Commission”)chapter on “Narcotics and Drug
Abuse” (herein, “the Chapter”; Commission, 1967) nonetheless identified some issues that
have haunted society in the last 50 years: acquisitive drug crime, the appropriateness of
criminal sanctions for marijuana, the difficulty of stopping the importation of drugs and di-
version of prescriptions, an acceptance of the limitations of enforcement, and an expectation
that methadone and other treatment modalities would make a major difference. An affir-
mation of treatment over punishment for drug addicts and a more nuanced understanding
of addiction is just as relevant today.
Even after the passage of the Harrison Act in 1914, heroin remained the primary
drug of concern for law enforcement. Yet until the mid-1960s, the 50-year-old policy of
prohibition seemed to work, in that heroin had been a minor problem through most of that
time. With minor localized exceptions, illicit drug use was uncommon, law enforcement
was not preoccupied with arresting and prosecuting drug offenders, incarceration rates
were low, and there was little reason to be concerned with the harms of enforcing criminal
prohibitions. General quotidian property and violent crime, such as burglary and theft,
were more of a priority than was use of narcotics for both law enforcement and society.
The Commission (1967) supported existing policies aimed at reducing access and noted
the high price as an indicator of success. It argued that supply-side mechanisms coupled
with recent innovations in demand reduction would reverse heroin’s recent upward trend.
Alongside the return of heroin, marijuana had emerged as a popular drug among many
segments of society. Economically depressed urban denizens, academics, bohemians, and
young professionals were using marijuana. Although use of the drug was prevalent, the
Commission (1967) was skeptical of the drug’s classification, alongside heroin in Schedule
420 Criminology & Public Policy

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