Moving From Efficacy to Effectiveness

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12316
AuthorMichael Robbins,Allison J. Ober,Jessica Saunders
Published date01 August 2017
Date01 August 2017
RESEARCH ARTICLE
DRUG MARKET INTERVENTION
Moving From Efficacy to Effectiveness
Implementing the Drug Market Intervention Across
Multiple Sites
Jessica Saunders
Michael Robbins
Allison J. Ober
RAND Corporation
Research Summary
In 2012, the editors of CPP published an exchange about the Drug Market Intervention
(DMI) in High Point, NC, concluding that it may be a promising approach to crime
control but questioning whether it could be implemented across different settings. In
this effectiveness study, we followeda cohort of seven sites that par ticipated in a Bureau
of Justice Assistance–sponsored DMI training to assess implementation and outcomes.
Three sites were not able to implement, and implementation fidelity varied across the
four sites that did implement. Of the four sites that held at least one call-in, only one
was successful at reducing overalland drug crime (by 28% and 56%, respectively). This
works out to an implementation rate of 57% with an average overall crime reduction
of 16% (treatment-on-the-treated) or 4% (intent-to-treat). The results of this study
This work was made possible by Award 2010-DJ-BX-1672, granted by the National Institute of Justice, Office
of Justice Programs. The opinions, findings, and conclusions and recommendations expressed in this
publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Justice. We
would like to thank the members of our expert panel: Anthony Braga, Rodney Brunson, Jonathan Caulkins,
Scott Decker, Anne Piehl, and George Tita. We would also like to thank the team from the Michigan State
University Training and Technical Assistance program for providing guidance and material reviews,
particularly Natalie Hipple, Ed McGarrell, Tim Bynum, and Heather Perez. Additionally, we would like to extend
our gratitude to each on-site research coordinator who collected implementation data: Zachary Bryan, Robert
Farley, Viola (Simone) May, Michael McCloskey, Alexis Norris, Mary Perrilloux, and Robert Stallings. We also
express our gratitude to each team for welcoming us and providing us unfettered access to its program
implementation. Finally, we thank our other project team members, specifically Beau Kilmer, Sarah
Greathouse, Greg Ridgeway, and Rob Davis. Direct correspondence to Jessica Saunders, RAND Corporation,
1776 Main Street, Santa Monica, CA 90407 (e-mail: jsaunder@rand.org).
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12316 C2017 American Society of Criminology 787
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 16 rIssue 3
Research Article Drug Market Intervention
demonstrate the importance of replication and the careful study of implementation
fidelity prior to wide dissemination.
Policy Implications
When the findings of an evaluation reveal an effective crime reduction program,
particularly when it garners significant public attention, it is not uncommon to rush
to judgment that it should be widely implemented. DMI is a perfect illustration of
this shortsighted approach to evidence-based crime prevention—multiple trials across
a variety of contexts are necessary to understand whether a program is ready for broad
dissemination and scale-up. The DMI program was challenging for sites to implement
and resulted in significant reductions in crime in the site with the implementation
fidelity that was highest and most similar to the original site. Our findings echo earlier
concerns that the approach may be less effective across diverse settings and illustrate why
effectiveness studies are vital in the development of evidence-based policy.
The field of crime prevention and reduction has moved toward using high-quality
scientific research as a means of identifying and disseminating evidence-based pro-
grams and practices (Farrington, Gottfredson, Sherman, and Welsh, 2002; Welsh
and Farrington, 2006). The quality standards differ across clearinghouses, but in general,
there is no specific requirement for program replication or evidence of implementation
success or intervention effectiveness across multiple trials and settings for programs to be
rated as “promising” or as “effective.” Nevertheless, “successful” programs may not be ef-
fective when replicated elsewhere because the initial results were dependent on the specific
conditions under which the trial was undertaken. Without information from multiple tri-
als, we have an incomplete, and sometimes biased, understanding of the likely program
effectiveness in subsequent implementations.
Following the Society of PreventionResearch (SPR) model for evidence-based practice
development, prevention strategies, polices, and programs generally follow a three-stage
process: (1) development and testing in an efficacy trial or pilot, (2) effectiveness trials pro-
ducing consistent effects across multiple trials in appropriate settings, and (3) a dissemination
strategy that may include manuals and technical assistance strategies to ensure that replica-
tions are implemented with fidelity so they continue to produce desired results (Flay et al.,
2005; Kellam and Langevin, 2003). In fact, there are strict standards and requirements for
efficacy and effectiveness trials before programs should be scaled up (Gottfredson et al.,
2015), which few, if any, community crime prevention programs can currently meet. This
has real consequences for the field as many federal initiatives are designed to encourage or
even require the adoption of “evidence-based practices”that may not be able to produce the
desired or anticipated results because they are based on only one or a few trials. This point
was stressed by Papachristos (2011) in his essay “Too Big to Fail,”in which he described how
788 Criminology & Public Policy

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