Motives of Knife-Carrying among the Youth in Azerbaijan: In-Depth Interviews Among 27 Experts and 5 Knife-Carriers

• DOI: 10.1177/10575677211042070
• Published date: 01 June 2022
• Author: Efsane Rustamova,Orkhan Farajli,Inqilab Shahbazov,Goshgar Maharramov
• Date: 01 June 2022
• Subject Matter: Original Articles

Motives of Knife-Carrying

among the Youth in Azerbaijan:

In-Depth Interviews Among 27

Experts and 5 Knife-Carriers

Inqilab Shahbazov

1

, Goshgar Maharramov

2

,

Orkhan Farajli

3

, and Efsane Rustamova

4

Abstract

Drawing on in-depth interviews with psychologists, criminologists, and sociologists (n=27), as well

as f‌ive adolescents (aged between 15 and 17 years) with a history of knife-carrying in Azerbaijan,

this study attempts to explore the motives for knife-carrying among the male youth. Using a phe-

nomenological approach, the interviews found a set of mixed and interrelated factors as the key

motivators of carrying a knife among male youth. The answers provided by members of both sam-

ples generally overlap, but each provides some unique insights as well. Experts argue that young

men tend to suffer from poor socialization and fail academically, which forces them to seek com-

panionship, status, and identity elsewhere. In such circumstances, adolescents become likely to

fall under the inf‌luence of their peers, as well as the criminal world whose f‌igures are widely popular

in the country. Since knife-carrying provides a sense of power and self-esteem, as well as constitutes

a core attribute of notorious criminal f‌igures, it becomes attractive to the youth. Male inter viewees

with a history of knife-carr ying, all with irregular class attendance and part of “circles”(deviant peer

groups), were attracted to sharp objects (a) by their ability to project power to others around

them, such as so-called “predators”and (b) rule of the circles. The desire to exercise informal con-

trol over an area (school or neighborhood) and emulate thieves-in-law was particularly critical in

shaping adolescents’decision to carry knives and f‌ive-knuckle. The f‌indings not only largely conf‌irm

the results reported by the Western studies, but also advance our understanding of youth’s incli-

nation towards knife-carrying in a nonwestern society.

Keywords

knife-carrying, youth deviance, violence, thieves-in-law, Azerbaijan

1

Public Opinion Survey Department, Social Research Centre, Baku, Azerbaijan

2

Baku Higher Oil School, Baku, Azerbaijan

3

Republican Psychiatric Hospital, Baku, Azerbaijan

4

Huner Group, Baku, Azerbaijan

Corresponding Author:

Inqilab Shahbazov, Public Opinion Survey Department, Social Research Centre,

18, Ismail Bey Gutgashinli St., Yasamal District, AZ1008 Baku, Azerbaijan.

Email: inqilab.shahbazov@azescience.org

Original Article

International Criminal Justice Review

2022, Vol. 32(2) 199-224

© 2021 Georgia State University

Article reuse guidelines:

sagepub.com/journals-permissions

DOI: 10.1177/10575677211042070

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Introduction

Knives can constitute a source of danger in any society. With its historically restrictive f‌irearm

regulations, knives and sharp objects, in general, have become a tool widely used in violent

crimes in Azerbaijan. However, it is very important to point to a few issues with the data on knife-

carrying and crimes in Azerbaijan. First, no data on the scale of knife-carrying and knife crime are

available publicly. Secondly, alternative sources of data on knife crime and knife carriage were not

accessible either. Alongside the inaccessibility of hospital admission statistics associated with the

injuries caused by sharp objects in Azerbaijan, no self-report study on knife carriage has been con-

ducted in the country. In the absence of alternative data, the information obtained from the Ministry

of Justice by media agencies is the sole source of information on the prevalence of knife crimes in

Azerbaijan.

Azerbaijan is a society where gun use and carriage, due to restrictive policies, are signif‌icantly

limited (Light & Slonimerov, 2020; Shahbazov & Afandiyev, 2020), meaning that sharp objects

are the only potential weapon that can be carried, though it is illegal. To note, as the space prohibits

an extensive discussion of restrictive policies, readers can see the study by Shahbazov and Afandiyev

(2020). According to the latest and only data publicly available obtained by a local media agency

from the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in the f‌irst 9 months of 2018,

141 knife crimes had been recorded by the police. The investigations by the authorities revealed

that in almost half of these offenses, the immediate motivator for a crime was the interpersonal

insult. Knives and sharp objects in general also constitute an important proportion of the weapons

used in domestic violence committed by male against female partner. The data for the f‌irst 9

months of 2019 shows the use of knives and sharp objects in 58 out of 118 domestic killings

(Mikroskop Media, 2019). Though relatively outdated, the data by the World Health Organisation

(2010) covering 2004–2006 provide some glimpse into the knives’use in criminal offenses in the

local context. For the years covered, 40% of the homicides among people aged 10–29 years involved

knives, while another 40% was committed through a gun. Unfortunately, due to the absence of

annual data, one cannot identify the trend in knife crime and carriage.

To note, the Article 228.4 of Criminal Code of the Republic of Azerbaijan mandates for acquisi-

tion, trade, and carriage of sharp objects one of these sentences—320–400 hr of community work,

1-year judicial restraint

1

, or 1-year imprisonment. However, as highlighted by Kershaw et al.

(2008), the availability of kitchen knives in virtually every home presents a problem for legislators

and violence prevention specialists, and Azerbaijan is not an exception.

Regarding the motives of weapon carrying in general, (a) protection (Cook & Ludwig, 2004;

Palasinski & Riggs, 2012), (b) previous direct or indirect victimization (Dijkstra et al., 2010;

Saukkonen et al., 2016), (c) socio-psychological factors, such as social capital (Wright &

Fitzpatrick, 2006), (d) social status (Lemos, 2004), (e) peer-group associations and their collective

joint agency (Deuchar, 2009), and (f) lack of trust in police (Brennan, 2019) have been identif‌ied

some correlates of weapon carrying in general. Engagement in deviant lifestyles (Harcourt, 2006)

and perceptional insecurity or fear of victimization (Traynor, 2016) are other potential motivators

of weapon carrying. Among personality traits, while Barlas and Egan (2006) identif‌iedtheroleof

aggressive identity and low conscientiousness on weapon carrying, while Coid et al.’s (2021) study

revealed an assoc iation between kn ife-carrying an d antisocial personality disorder. Weapon carry-

ing in general is a highly gendered behavior, with males 2–5 times more likely to possess it than

females (Hemenway et al., 2011; McVie, 2010; Molnar et al., 2004; Tigri et al., 2016).

Furthermore, it tends to reach its peak in mid-adolescence (Hemenway et al., 2011). Though not

explored directly in the form of household income, some studies have attempted to use other var-

iables as proxies for socioeconomic circumstances. While Molnar et al. (2004) and Coid et al.

(2021) failed to identify its relationship to weapon carrying, Bégue et al.’s (2016) study found

200 International Criminal Justice Review 32(2)