Measuring the Problem

AuthorWendi Pollock,Scott Menard,Willard Oliver
DOI10.1177/0734016811436335
Published date01 June 2012
Date01 June 2012
Subject MatterArticles
Articles
Measuring the Problem:
A National Examination of
Disproportionate Police
Contact in the United States
Wendi Pollock
1
, Willard Oliver
2
, and Scott Menard
2
Abstract
This research examined socioeconomic variables, offending behavior, and prior police contact, as
predictors of self-reported police contact (questioning or arrest). Utilizing multilevel models and
eight waves of National Youth Survey Family Study data, the predictors were examined in a national
sample of individuals, over 24 years. Results indicate that police contact is predominately predicted
by sex, delinquent peers, and offending behavior. This suggests that several of the variables com-
monly discussed in police contact literature, including race, are not predictors of police contact
at the national level in the United States. Implications of national-level findings on police policy are
discussed.
Keywords
police culture/accountability, law enforcement/security, inequality and crime, other, race and crime/
justice, other
According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) over 25.7 million people in the United States
were contacted by police in 2005 because of either traffic-related stops or because the police sus-
pected them of wrongdoing (Durose, Smith, & Langan, 2007). Those numbers translate to approx-
imately 11%of the U.S. population age 16 or older. Other research indicates that not all groups of
people in the United States have an equal probability of being contacted by police. Many studies
through time have indicated that non-White individuals are contacted more frequently than are
White individuals, even when controlling for criminal offending (Fagan & Davies, 2000; Geiger-
Oneto & Phillips, 2003; Ousey & Lee, 2008; Piliavin & Briar, 1964; Smith & Visher, 1981). Though
race is arguably the most commonly used predictor of police contact in the literature, it is far from
the only variable that divides the population and creates possible disproportionality where police
1
Department of Government, Stephen F. Austin State University, Nacogdoches, TX, USA
2
College of Criminal Justice, Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX, USA
Corresponding Author:
Wendi Pollock, Department of Government, Stephen F. Austin State University, Box 13045 SFA Station, Nacogdoches,
TX 75962, USA
Email: pollockwk@sfasu.edu
Criminal Justice Review
37(2) 153-173
ª2012 Georgia State University
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/0734016811436335
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contacts are concerned. Some predictors have been examined persistently, and frequently, through
time. These variables appear in literature from the mid-1960s through the late 2000s, and include:
race (Penn, 2006; Piliavin & Briar, 1964), sex (Lundman & Kowalski, 2009; Terry, 1967),
socioeconomic status (SES; Miller, 2008; Werthman & Piliavin, 1967), criminal history (Miller,
2008; Werthman & Piliavin, 1967), and concurrent criminal offense (McAra & McVie, 2007;
McEachern & Bauzer, 1967). Other correlates of police contact appear more recently (and gener-
ally less frequently) in the literature, including age (Miller, 2008), involvement with delinquent
peers (Patterson, Forgatch, & Yoerger, 1998), drug and al cohol usage (McAra & McVie, 2007),
and IQ/grade point average (GPA
1
; Fergusson, Horwood, & Ridder, 2005).
Though many important pieces of research have been done on this subject, much of it with
persistent findings through time, several aspects of this topic remain unexamined. First, no study,
to date, has been conducted with a sample that would allow for a developmental, longitudinal, exam-
ination of respondents. Second, of the 23 studies reviewed, only 6 studies examined data that was
beyond the city or local level (D’Alessio & Stolzenberg, 2003; Durose et al., 2007; Lundman &
Kowalski, 2009; Ousey & Lee, 2008; Penn, 2006; Pope & Snyder, 2003). This is not particularly
surprising considering that policing in the United States is generally considered a localized concern.
The multitude of local police agencies can produce poor communication and collaboration between
agencies (Thibault, Lynch, & McBride, 2011). In addition, the populations that police serve differ
widely by location. Still, local-level studies can indicate predictors of disproportionate police con-
tact on a local level only. These localized findings suggest localized causes. A study conducted on a
national-level data set, will make it possible to see whether predictors of police contact are prevalent
enough that they are, in fact, not local problems. In addition, it would suggest that any problems
found are caused by more than just a few police officers or even one policing agency. In order to
effectively address a problem, it is always helpful to first know how large the problem is. This could
be useful in determining whether policing policies and/or policy changes should be implemented on
a larger scale (nationally) or remain on a more localized scale.
The current study will utilize national level, longitudinal, self-report data from the National
Youth Survey Family Study (NYSFS) to examine the extent to whi ch relevant predictors affect n eg-
ative police contact. Two level nonlinear (Bernoulli)models, using the statisticalsoftware hierarchical
linear modeling (HLM), will be used to examine direct effects, as well as any possible interaction
effects, of independent variables on policecontact. Because this data set has self-reported information
on over 1,000 individuals across the nation,for more than two decades, the currentstudy will be able to
fill several important gaps in a field of research thatcould disproportionately affectmore than 11%of
the U.S. population (Durose et al., 2007). Perhaps mostimportantly, it will provide new andmore rig-
orous evidence of the extent of disproportionate police contact in the United States.
Review of Relevant Literature
Twenty-three studies published over a 45-year time period were reviewed. Though this time frame
may be longer than typically required, it is necessary in this case because it covers the majority of the
respondents’ life courses. The studies are organized below by the relevant potential predictor of
police contact (see Appendix A for chronological overview of all studies in tabular form).
Race
Race effects have been reported in several studies (Brown, 1981; Brunson, 2007; Fagan & Davies,
2000; Ousey & Lee, 2008; Piliavin & Briar, 1964; Terry, 1967; Werthman & Piliavin, 1967). In the
early 1960s, Piliavin and Briar (1964) performed a qualitative analysis of juvenile–police contact
situations in a metropolitan city of approximately 450,000 people. Where race was concerned, they
154 Criminal Justice Review 37(2)

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