Measuring Ease of Entry

AuthorSteven C. Salop
Published date01 June 1986
Date01 June 1986
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0003603X8603100214
Subject MatterArticle
The Antitrust Bulletin/Summer 1986
Measuring ease
of
entry
BY STEVEN C. SALOP*
I.
Introduction
551
In the past 10 years, the use
of
economic concepts and economic
evidence in antitrust has become far more sophisticated. To many
practitioners, economic evidence has a limited domain.
It
means
either the calculation of a four-firm concentration index (or
Herfindahl-Hirschman index) or the use
of
multivariate regres-
sion analysis in calculating antitrust damages. However, what I
mean here is the broader and more refined use
of
empirical
relationships generally.
Empirical economic evidence has two main uses: first to
validate (or reject) theoretical assertions and, second, to measure
the likely magnitudes
of
actual or likely effects. Both
of
these
types
of
evidence have application in antitrust. Measuring actual
effects
of
actual practices is one example. Estimating the likely
effects
of
proposed practices is another. Specific examples would
include empirical evidence
of
oligopoly "plus" factors, the effects
of
price changes on quantities demanded and supplied, the
estimation
of
the likely effect of exclusionary conduct on costs
Professor
of
Economics, Georgetown University Law Center.
AUTHOR'S NOTE: This is a revised version
of
a teaching note prepared
for the GULC/CLE Program on Mergers and Joint
Ventures,
Novem-
ber 29-30, 1984. This is a preliminary statement and is part
of
a larger
ongoing project on the analysis and measurement
of
entry barriers. I
received helpful comments on an earlier draft from Jonathan Baker,
William Becker, Robert Doyle, Thomas Krattenmaker, Robert Pitojsky,
David Scheffman, Stephen Silberman, and Joseph Simons.
'& 1986 by Federal Legal Publications, Inc.
552 The antitrust bulletin
and prices, and the measurement
of
cost savings from horizontal
mergers.
The use of economic evidence to judge the likely effects
of
proposed practices has been most accepted in the area
of
merger
analysis at the Department
of
Justice and the Federal Trade
Commission.
For
those mergers and joint ventures where Second
Requests for information are made, it is now routine for poten-
tial merger partners to submit to the enforcement agency a
well-documented economic report on the industry structure and
likely effects
of
the proposed merger. These reports provide
evidence on market definition, ease of entry, industry perform-
ance, and expected efficiencies, as well as concentration indexes.
There is no reason to expect this trend to the greater use
of
economic evidence to be reversed. Regardless of which political
party is in power, it is now well recognized that precise theoretical
formulations and sophisticated marketplace evidence are key to
more accurate prediction of the likely economic effects
of
pro-
posed combinations.
Use of economic evidence is not without its controversies,
however. For example, what should be the relative weights placed
on hypothetical responses to hypothetic price changes as opposed
to actual historical responses?
If
theoretical construction of
supply curves implies that foreign firms could easily increase
imports to the United States in response to a "small, nontransi-
tory price increase," but imports have not varied much despite
large variations in exchange rates over the past five years, should
the foreign firms be included in the "antitrust market" or not?
Although it is clear
that
the future course
of
markets is the issue
at stake, historical evidence might be considered more credible
than
theoretical constructs in predicting the future, unless it is
obvious why the past would not be a good predictor.
A second area of controversy involves the choice
of
concep-
tual framework. Different theories have implications for what
data
should be collected and how they should be interpreted. For
example, the issue of what constitutes an entry barrier relevant
for antitrust analysis is a controversial one in economics, as are

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