Managing Ambivalent Prejudices

DOI10.1177/0002716211418444
AuthorSusan T. Fiske
Date01 January 2012
Published date01 January 2012
ANNALS, AAPSS, 639, January, 2012 33
Not all biases are equivalent, and not all biases are uni-
formly negative. Two fundamental dimensions differ-
entiate stereotyped groups in cultures across the globe:
status predicts perceived competence, and cooperation
predicts perceived warmth. Crossing the competence
and warmth dimensions, two combinations produce
ambivalent prejudices: pitied groups (often traditional
women or older people) appear warm but incompetent,
and envied groups (often nontraditional women or out-
sider entrepreneurs) appear competent but cold. Case
studies in ambivalent sexism, heterosexism, racism,
anti-immigrant biases, ageism, and classism illustrate
both the dynamics and the management of these com-
plex but knowable prejudices.
Keywords: stereotypes; prejudice; discrimination;
race; gender; age; class
A
middle-aged white man walks into an
office . . . what is your mental image?
People assume a lot, right away, sizing each
other up, in an instant. Social categories such as
gender, race, and age immediately impinge on
impressions, whether we like it or not. In today’s
global management context, immigrant status,
nationality, and social class rapidly shape impres-
sions as well. Beyond these first-millisecond
impressions, social categories condition what
ensues. First impressions do count. More and
more, organizations are expected to know that
decision-makers and peers cannot help auto-
matically noticing social categories. What is more,
people often act on these categories, unaware of
their influence. Decades of research establish
these realities (Macrae and Bodenhausen 2000;
Fiske 1998).
418444ANN Managing Ambivalent PrejudicesThe
Annals of the American Academy
Susan T. Fiske is Eugene Higgins Professor of
Psychology, Princeton University, and author of Envy
Up, Scorn Down: How Status Divides Us (Russell Sage
Foundation 2011), supported by a Guggenheim and a
Russell Sage Foundation Visiting Scholar award. She
also wrote Social Cognition (McGraw-Hill 2008) and
edits the Annual Review of Psychology and the
Handbook of Social Psychology.
DOI: 10.1177/0002716211418444
Managing
Ambivalent
Prejudices:
Smart-but-Cold
and Warm-but-
Dumb
Stereotypes
By
SUSAN T. FISKE
34 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
Evolution argues for the utility of this rapid category-based social judgment.
People have to know whom to approach or avoid and for what purposes. Evolution
also argues that just a few fundamental principles describe how people understand
each other. Knowing these dimensions organizes and informs what may otherwise
seem an arbitrary and overwhelming miscellany of group images that could affect
diversity management. This article describes two fundamental, apparently univer-
sal, dimensions of out-group images, which situate race, gender, and other catego-
ries in a larger societal map that predicts stereotypic belie fs, emotional prejud ices,
and discriminatory tendencies. A novel contribution of this framework is the
concept of ambivalent images, applied here particularly to gender bias, hetero-
sexism, racism, anti-immigrant biases, ageism, and classism. Another novel
contribu tion demonstrates the primacy of warmth and trust over sheer status and
power, what might be termed a focus on relational capital in management.
Universal Dimensions of Social Cognition
When people encounter an individual or group, they first need to know the
“Other’s” intentions, for good or ill. Whether someone walks into your office,
approaches you in a dark alley, or sits next to you in public, you need to know
immediately whether that Other is benign or harmful. Our ancestors had the
same dilemma, and modern citizens especially have the same problem in reaction
to new immigrant groups. People have intentions, which set them apart from
inanimate objects and help to predict what they will do. The Stereotype Content
Model (SCM) calls this first dimension perceived warmth, which includes appar-
ent trustworthiness, friendliness, and sociability (Fiske et al. 2002; Fiske, Cuddy,
and Glick 2007). People infer warm (or cold) intent from respectively cooperative
or competitive structural relationships between individuals or groups. That is,
those groups who cooperate appear warm and trustworthy; those who compete
appear cold and untrustworthy, even exploitative. These links are robust (Cuddy,
Fiske, and Glick 2008).
Knowing a stranger’s intentions solves only part of the dilemma, because one
must know the Other’s capability to enact those intentions. An incompetent foe
poses less threat and an incompetent friend offers less benefit than their more
competent counterparts. People infer this competence (capability, skill) from
apparent status (prestige, economic success) (Cuddy, Fiske, and Glick 2008;
Kervyn, Fiske, and Yzerbyt n.d.-b). People all over the world believe in meritoc-
racy (status = competence) to a surprising degree.
Most prior descriptions of group images have focused mainly on either sta-
tus characteristics (Berger, Cohen, and Zelditch 1972; Ridgeway 1991) or on
cooperation-competition (Sherif and Sherif 1953). Combining these two dimen-
sions also goes beyond standard dichotomous in-group/out-group designations
(Tajfel 1981). These dimensions emerge from multidimensional scaling (Kervyn,
Fiske, and Yzerbyt n.d.-a); in representative and convenience samples; in surveys,

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