Loyal rebels? A test of the normative conflict model of constructive deviance

AuthorJason J. Dahling,Melissa B. Gutworth
Date01 October 2017
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1002/job.2194
Published date01 October 2017
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Loyal rebels? A test of the normative conflict model of
constructive deviance
Jason J. Dahling
1
|Melissa B. Gutworth
2
1
Department of Psychology, The College of
New Jersey, Ewing, New Jersey, U.S.A.
2
Feliciano School of Business, Montclair State
University, Montclair, New Jersey, U.S.A.
Correspondence
Jason J. Dahling, Department of Psychology,
The College of New Jersey, 2000 Pennington
Rd, Ewing, NJ 08628, U.S.A.
Email: dahling@tcnj.edu
Summary
Constructive deviance is a voluntary behavior that violates organizational rules but is conducted
with honorable intentions to benefit the organization or its stakeholders. Despite emerging
interest in this behavior, the antecedents of constructive deviance remain unclear, with particular
ambiguity concerning the relationship between organizational identity and constructive deviance.
In this article, we address this ambiguity with the normative conflict model, which posits that
organizational identity drives constructive deviance in the workplace only when people perceive
normative conflict with organizational rules. In Studies 1a and 1b, we develop and validate a
measure of normative conflict. In Study 2, we conduct a preliminary test of the model with
employed students and find that identity is positively related to constructive deviance only when
normative conflict is high. In Study 3, we replicate and extend the model to show that the
moderating effect of normative conflict is mediated by experienced psychological discomfort
and that organizational identity is positively related to constructive deviance among working
adults only when discomfort is high. In total, our findings demonstrate the utility of the normative
conflict model for explaining when constructive deviance is mostly likely to occur in the
workplace.
KEYWORDS
dissent, organizational deviance, organizational rules,resistance, social identity
1|INTRODUCTION
Employees sometimes challenge and break workplace rules not
because they are disloyal but because they are passionate enough to
dissent against practices that they see as stagnant, ineffective, or even
dangerous to those around them. This behavior is referred to as con-
structive deviance, which involves voluntary actions that violate orga-
nizational norms, but are conducted with honorable intentions to
benefit the organization and its stakeholders (e.g., Mainemelis, 2010;
Morrison, 2006; Spreitzer & Sonenshein, 2003; Vardi & Weitz, 2004;
Warren, 2003). Historically, organizational researchers focused only
on understanding destructive deviance, which is conducted with the
goal of harming the organization or benefitting oneself (e.g., Robinson
& Bennett, 1995). However, researchers have more recently started to
study constructive deviance because it has the potential to trigger
beneficial change, increase productivity, and promote innovation in
the workplace.
Despite the value of understanding and responsibly channeling
constructive deviance in groups (Jetten & Hornsey, 2014), we know
surprisingly little about its antecedents in the workplace, and a variety
of contradictory findings have recently emerged in the literature
(Vadera, Pratt, & Mishra, 2013). One of the most interesting
ambiguities concerns the relationship between organizational identity
and constructive deviance. As Vadera et al. (2013) observed, some
studies document that identity is positively related to constructive
deviance (Mellahi, Budhwar, & Li, 2010; Olkkonen & Lipponen,
2006). Other studies, however, have found a negative or null relation-
ship between organizational identity and constructive deviance (Burris,
Detert, & Chiaburu, 2008; Sims & Keenan, 1998; J. Zhou & George,
2001). Further, it is still theoretically unclear why and when highly
identified employees would engage in constructive deviance instead
of loyal conformity. If employees care strongly about the organization,
why would they willingly break rules instead of channeling their effort
into the best, ruleabiding performance they can provide?
Note: Both authors contributed equally to this work and authorship order is
alphabetical. We thank Russell Johnson and Shaun Wiley for their constructive
feedback on earlier drafts of this article. We also thank José Cortina and Adam
Grant for helpful conversations about our analysis strategy.
Received: 4 July 2015 Revised: 14 March 2017 Accepted: 16 March 2017
DOI: 10.1002/job.2194
J Organ Behav. 2017;38:11671182. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/job 1167
To clarify the relationship between organizational identity and
constructive deviance, we draw on a recent theory of group dissent
called the normative conflict model (Packer, 2008; Packer, 2011).
This model explains that the effects of organizational identity on
deviance depend on the extent to which group members perceive
normative conflict, which occurs when members perceive a
discrepancy between the groups actual, practiced norms and some
better, alternative standard for behavior. The model posits that
identity predicts conformity when normative conflict is low but that
identity predicts dissent instead when normative conflict is high.
This interaction occurs because strongly identified group members
who feel normative conflict exhibit dissent intended to help the
group improve. Consequently, the model may offer insight into
constructive deviance: We predict that organizational identity is only
predictive of constructive deviance when people also feel high
normative conflict.
Our research on the normative conflict model makes several
contributions. First and foremost, we advance research on construc-
tive deviance by resolving an emergent discrepancy in the literature
concerning its relationship with social identity (Vadera et al., 2013).
This is an important theoretical contribution because we know little
about why constructive deviance occurs, and the contradictory
findings concerning the relationship between organizational identity
and constructive deviance points to a need to understand the
boundary conditions that change the nature of this relationship (Busse,
Kach, & Wagner, 2016).
Second, we introduce the normative conflict model to the
organizational behavior literature, which is a promising framework for
understanding identitydriven behavior in the workplace. Research
on the normative conflict model to date is focused on informal or
opinionbased social groups (e.g., Packer & Chasteen, 2010; Täuber &
Sassenberg, 2012), but we show that the model has utility for
predicting behavior in the workplace, where the stakes for engaging
in deviant behavior are higher. Managers in the workplace heavily
weigh deviant behavior when judging performance and making
personnel decisions (Rotundo & Sackett, 2002), and employees may
face sanctions or lose their jobs for deviating in ways that are
suppressed by the organization (Berry, Ones, & Sackett, 2007). The
steeper consequences of constructive deviance at work accordingly
allow for a strong test of the theory in a formal setting where
rules are more rigidly enforced and dissent is met with greater hostility
(X. Zhou, 1993).
Last, we extend the normative conflict model in this research
by elaborating on the psychological experience of normative
conflict. One limitation of the normative conflict model is relatively
little consideration of why normative conflict motivates action;
implicit in the normative conflict model is the idea that normative
conflict is a distressing experience (Packer, 2008). Consequently,
we integrate the normative conflict model with cognitive
dissonance theory (Festinger, 1957), which offers additional insight
into why people experience psychological distress in the presence
of normative conflict and subsequently act on it. We therefore
make an important theoretical extension to the normative conflict
model to better explain why normative conflict can trigger deviant
behavior.
1.1 |Constructive deviance in the workplace
When considering rulebreaking behavior, organizations mainly focus
on destructive deviance, which is voluntary behavior that knowingly
deviates from organizational norms in ways that threaten the
organization or its stakeholders (Robinson & Bennett, 1995).
Destructive deviance is threatening because it is committed with the
intention to either harm others or benefit the self (Vardi & Weitz,
2004). For example, behaviors such as merchandise theft conducted
in the interest of personal gain, or verbal aggression intended to
hurt a coworkers feelings, would be categorized as instances of
destructive deviance.
Constructive deviance similarly involves willful deviation from
organizational norms, but the deviation is intended to benefit the
organization or its stakeholders (Morrison, 2006; Spreitzer &
Sonenshein, 2004; Warren, 2003). Because the standards for judging
deviance can be highly subjective, Warren (2003) submitted that
deviance is only constructive if employees reject organizational norms
in favor of hypernorms (Donaldson & Dunfee, 1994), which are defined
as globally held beliefs and valuesthat encompass basic principles
and satisfy fundamental human needs (Warren, 2003, p. 628). Because
hypernorms typically stem from the values and practices of large,
inclusive social groups and societies, they serve as a higher authority
that reflect the needs and priorities of people both inside and outside
of the organization. Relevant hypernorms that are used to judge
behavior may vary across different nations, industries, organizations,
and even roles. However, Warren (2003) suggested that the standards
and ethical codes of relevant, large, and inclusive organizations can
serve as a likely source of hypernorms. For example, the American
Psychological Associations Ethical Code and Code of Conduct
articulate hypernorms about protecting the privacy of clients. A
psychologist could opt to constructively deviate to follow these
hypernorms if she felt that her organization or workgroups norms
failed to adequately protect the confidential information divulged by
clients. Thus, deviance that rejects local norms and practices, but
complies with hypernorms, is constructive because it serves a
greater good.
Consequently, constructive deviance is formally defined as
behavior that (a) benefits the reference group, (b) deviates from
reference group norms, and (c) conforms to broader hypernorms
(Vadera et al., 2013). A specific example of the distinction between
destructive and constructive deviance can be seen in a typical
customer service context. If a regular customer of a restaurant
presents an expired gift certificate, an employee can decide to follow
procedure and refuse it, or break rules and accept it. The decision to
break rules can occur due to different motivations. In this example,
the rulebreaking behavior would be considered destructive deviance
if the employee opts to accept the gift certificate because it benefits
himself (e.g., through a larger tip) or because he hopes it will hurt the
organization to lose money. On the other hand, the rulebreaking
behavior would be considered constructive deviance if the employee
opts to accept the gift certificate to help the customer and organiza-
tion (e.g., this customer is important and would take his business
elsewhere if refused, costing the organization more in the long run).
In the latter case, the employee is still willingly deviating from an
1168 DAHLING AND GUTWORTH

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