International Ideals and the National Interest

• Author: Frederick L. Schuman
• DOI: 10.1177/000271625228000105
• Published date: 01 March 1952
• Date: 01 March 1952
• Subject Matter: Articles

International Ideals and the National Interest
By FREDERICK L. SCHUMAN
F
all men were saints and all women
the tangled fabric of motives and acts
angels, the Marxist ideal of the
comprising the community of states.
&dquo;withering away of the state&dquo; could
PRIVATE AND PUBLIC INTERESTS
doubtless be readily realized. All gov-
ernment is a reflection of sin, at least
An initial instance of sin in interna-
in its coercive and enforcement func-
tional conduct may be briefly disposed
tions.
Conscience keeps most mortals
of at the outset-not because it is rare
virtuous and assures conformity to the
but because it is usually self-evident
mores.
But the weaker vessels among
and always tangential to our central
us are ever tempted to transgress and
problem. Few would dispute the propo-
must be deterred from ways of vice
sition that when public power is used
through fear of force and prospect of
to serve the selfish interests of some
punishment-and, if vicious, kept con-
section of society rather than the safety
fined-by the organized, power of the
and welfare of society as a whole, the
community. Ethics, as translated into
result is at once bad morals and bad
law, are thus buttressed by policeman,
politics. Charles A. Beard, in his still
jury, judge, and jailer to the end that
notable study of The Idea of National
all decent citizens may go about their
Interest (1934), suggested that the
business in
American
peace, free of the evils of
&dquo;national interest&dquo; has often
anarchy and lawlessness.
been identified with, or defined in terms
These truisms are universally ac-
of, the aspirations or demands of par-
cepted in all ordered societies and are
ticular sections, classes, or aggregations
peculiarly sacred in the Anglo-Ameri-
of private wealth or enterprise. An ex-
can tradition.
They admit of applica-
treme case is represented by Major Gen-
tion to the problem of &dquo;morality&dquo; and
eral Smedley D. Butler’s bitter com-
of &dquo;law and order&dquo; in the society of na-
ment in Common Sense, November
tions. The problem itself, however, is
1935:
the product of a paradox. Moreover,
I spent thirty-three years and four
the customary application of the gen-
months in active service as a member of
eralizations or &dquo;principles&dquo; already re-
our country’s most agile military force-
ferred to is the fruit of an analogy
the Marine Corps. I served in all com-
which is ancient, revered, and all but
missioned ranks from second lieutenant to
unanimously embraced by the present
major general. And during that period I
generation, but nevertheless so false (it
spent most of my time being a high-class
will here be argued)
muscle
as to be mislead-
man for Big Business, for Wall
ing and dangerous in the highest degree.
Street, and for the bankers. In short, I
The
was a racketeer for
paradox has
capitalism.... Thus,
never been more strik-
I helped make Mexico and especially
ing, nor has the analogy ever been more
Tampico safe for American oil interests in
fanciful and hazardous, than in our own
1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a
time. Both are deserving of the closest
decent place for the National City Bank
scrutiny on the part of all who strive for
to collect revenues in.... I helped purify
straight thinking about the confusing in-
Nicaragua for the international banking
terrelationships of ethics and power in
house of Brown Brothers in 1909-1912. I
27

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28
brought light to the Dominican Republic
interests, with suitable profit to those
for American sugar interests in 1916. I
used, to serve the purposes of diplo-
helped make Honduras &dquo;right&dquo; for Ameri-
macy and strategy is a more common
can fruit companies in 1903. In China in
pattern. But this relationship is al-
1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil
most never regarded as unethical or
went its way unmolested.
&dquo;corrupt&dquo;-apparently because the use
To the degree to which this harsh
of business by government to serve
judgment is warranted by the facts (a
allegedly public purposes is morally dis-
matter with respect to which no opin-
tinguishable frpm the use of government
ion need here be ventured), the pattern
by business to serve obviously private
of policy thus described would be
purposes. Yet neither of these relation-
deemed by all to be a flagrant example
ships, however worthy of careful analy-
of abuse of power, and of the corrup-
sis, cuts to the core of the dilemma of
tion of the national interest by private
right versus might in the international
profit seekers. The Mexican and Span-
community.
ish-American wars have often been char-
ETHICS AND RAISONS D’RTAT
acterized in these terms by commenta-
tors of the more cynical sort.
The
The problem of international ethics
memory of &dquo;dollar diplomacy&dquo; is still
lies in a different dimension.
In all
fresh. If it could be demonstrated (as
politics those who acquire power, wield
is not the case, despite the weighty work
it, and seek to retain it, have from time
of the Nye Committee in the mid-
immemorial been judged to occupy a
1930’s) that American intervention in
position with respect to moral stand-
World War I was dictated less by the
ards which is not quite the same as that
national welfare than by the influence
of ordinary citizens or private entre-
of banking houses and munition makers,
preneurs. Some have demanded from
greedy for blood money, the moral sense
statesmen, as from clergymen, a higher
of all good citizens would obviously be
level of integrity and probity than it
outraged by the fact.
is reasonable to expect from laymen.
The same sentiment is sought to be
Others, and these more numerous, have
evoked in efforts by the Communist
perceived that the statesman, precisely
press and by The Chicago Tribune to
because he is responsible to his state-
denigrate the Marshall plan by refer-
and to his dynasty, party, cabinet, par-
ence to the profits of Will Clayton’s
liament, or some other incarnation of
cotton company and of various Man-
the commonwealth-must base his de-
hattan banks, and to discredit the
cisions not merely on the superiority of
American rearmament program by ref-
virtue to vice, but on a shrewd calcula-
erence to the allotment of defense or-
tion of the probable political conse-
ders to General Motors, General Elec-
quences of his acts.
tric, Ford, and other giant corporations.
Politics seldom offers choices between
Authentic instances of the corruption
good and evil, but only between greater
of diplomats and strategists, within or
evils and lesser evils. No one willingly
without the law, by private business in-
admits that the end justifies the means.
terests come readily enough to hand in
But when the end is envisaged as the
almost all countries.
They need not
security and well-being of all the mem-
here be reviewed, for they do not differ,
bers of the community, the means ap-
save in their locus, from other cases of
propriate thereto offer a wider ethical
skulduggery on other levels of govern-
latitude than is generally regarded as
ment discussed elsewhere in these pages.
acceptable in the service of private pur-
In our epoch the use of private business
poses. Raisons d’6tat are often invoked

---

29
to excuse crimes and to transmute sin
prevails over double-dealing, it is not be-
into virtue. &dquo;If we did for ourselves
cause it is honest, but because it has a
what we do for our country,&dquo; Count
stronger army more ably led; and if good
Cavour
overcomes evil, it is not because it is good,
once remarked, &dquo;what rascals
but because it has a well-lined purse. It is
we -should all be!&dquo;
well to have right on our side, but it is
This relative flexibility of moral norms,
madness to forget that unless we have
allowed to all politicians, is most marked
might as well it will avail us nothing. We
in matters having to do with foreign re-
must believe that God loves men of good
lations. This is the case precisely be-
will, but there is no evidence to show that
cause the society of sovereign states is
He will save fools from the result of their
not a united community or an ordered
folly.
and organized polity possessed of a gov-
THE FALSE ANALOGUE
ernment capable of enforcing a code
of law. International organization does
All politics is &dquo;power...