Intermarriage and Integration Revisited

AuthorDan Rodríguez-García
Published date01 November 2015
Date01 November 2015
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0002716215601397
Subject MatterIntroduction
8 ANNALS, AAPSS, 662, November 2015
DOI: 10.1177/0002716215601397
I
Intermarriage
and Integration
Revisited:
International
Experiences
and Cross-
Disciplinary
Approaches
By
DAN RODRÍGUEZ-GARCÍA
601397ANN The Annals of the American AcademyIntermarriage and Integration Revisited
research-article2015
Keywords: immigration; intermarriage; integration;
assimilation; social transformation; social
cohesion; race; ethnicity
Anthropologist Edmund Leach, in his discus-
sion of caste and class systems, stated, “In a
very fundamental way, we all of us distinguish
those who are of our kind from those who are
not of our kind by asking ourselves the question:
‘Do we intermarry with them?’” (1967, 19).
Indeed, social scientists have been drawn to the
investigation of intermarriage for over a century:
from the classic anthropological studies of the
nineteenth century (McLennan 1865; L. Morgan
1870; Tylor 1889); to the development of classi-
cal assimilation theory, first by sociologists of the
Chicago School led by Robert E. Park (Park and
Burgess 1921; Park 1928) and later entrenched
by Milton Gordon (1964); to studies from more
current times, in which the subject has been
analyzed from many different disciplines. This
fascination with intermarriage can be attributed
to the realization that the crossing of racial,
ethno-cultural, religious, or class boundaries
Dan Rodríguez-García is an associate professor of
social and cultural anthropology and director of the
INMIX Research Group on Immigration, Mixedness,
and Social Cohesion at the Autonomous University of
Barcelona. His areas of research are international
migration, immigrant integration, interculturalism,
ethnicity, intermarriage, and mixedness. His current
research focuses on identity processes of multiracial
youth.
NOTE: The editor of this volume would like to thank
the Russell Sage Foundation, Tom Kecskemethy, Emily
Babson, and Peter Geraghty for their generous help
and advice at various stages of this project. Thanks also
to Joanna Freedman for her excellent and very helpful
editorial feedback, to all the contributors in the volume
for their outstanding work, and to the anonymous
reviewers for their generous and thoughtful feedback
on earlier manuscripts.
INTERMARRIAGE AND INTEGRATION REVISITED 9
through partnering not only tells us about individual choices but also reveals the
scope of social divisions and the relationships between groups within a society. In
this way, intermarriage has been argued to be one of the most important tests for
determining societal structure and for exposing social boundaries (Davis 1941;
Leach 1967; Mare 1991; Merton 1941).
For this same reason, the subject of intermarriage has also been a leitmotiv in
literature over the centuries and later in cinema: Shakespeare’s Othello and Romeo
and Juliet, Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice, D. W. Griffith’s Broken Blossoms,
Robert Wise and Jerome Robbins’s West Side Story (original book for the musical
by Arthur Laurents), Stanley Kramer’s Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner, Mira Nair’s
Mississippi Masala, Mina Shum’s Double Happiness, Walt Disney’s Pocahontas,
Ken Loach’s Ae Fond Kiss, Gurinder Chadha’s Bride and Prejudice, Nia Vardalos’s
My Big Fat Greek Wedding (play), and Amma Asante’s Belle, among many other
examples. All of these cultural artifacts remind us that endogamous unions (i.e.,
partnerships within the same group, whether in terms of race, ethnicity, nationality,
religion, or social class) have historically been the ones promoted socially and insti-
tutionally, whereas mixed unions have traditionally been unconventional and even
forbidden partnerships (Moran 2001; Rodríguez-García 2013).
However, these “barrier-breaking” relationships are increasingly becoming more
common. The intense migration flows of contemporary times (Castles and Miller
2009; Massey et al. 1998), the continual advancement of transport and communica-
tion technologies, and general processes of globalization and transnationalism
(Castells 1996; Sassen 1998; Vertovec 2010) have expanded the possibilities for
individuals to meet and marry across national, cultural, racial, religious, and class
borders, leading to the “internationalization of intimacy” (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim
2014; Constable 2003; Hull, Meier, and Ortyl 2010; Mai and King 2009), the emer-
gence of transnational marriage markets (Bryceson and Vuorela 2002; Charsley 2012;
Heikkilä and Yeoh 2010; Kofman 2004; Scott and Cartledge 2009; Trask 2010;
Williams 2010), and the growing diversification of family forms (Rosenfeld 2007).
Consequently, especially in recent decades, “mixed” (binational, bicultural, and trans-
national) couples and “mixed-background” people—or “world families” (Beck and
Beck-Gernsheim 2014)—have increased dramatically worldwide (Alba and Waters
2010; Collet and Santelli 2012; Edwards et al. 2012; Goulbourne et al. 2011;
Rodríguez-García 2006, 2014; Rosenfeld 2008; Wang 2012).
Yet what are the social implications of intermarriage? How does it contribute
to social transformation? The growing incidence of mixed families is a social phe-
nomenon, and fostering the integration of immigrants and social cohesion is one
of the greatest challenges that modern societies face (for the United States, see,
for instance, Putnam 2007; for Europe, see, for instance, Huddleston, Niessen,
and Dag Tjaden 2013). It might be assumed, then, that the link between “mixed-
ness”—including both the formation and outcomes of mixed unions and mixed
families—and immigrant integration is a research area that has been avidly pur-
sued by scholars and policy-makers alike. In actuality, though, relatively little is
known about the scope, internal dynamics, and social consequences of mixed-
ness. Does intermarriage lead to greater social, cultural, economic, and/or politi-
cal integration for individuals and groups that have not been considered part of

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