Incentives of low‐quality sellers to disclose negative information
Author | Dmitry Shapiro,Seung Huh |
Date | 01 February 2021 |
Published date | 01 February 2021 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/jems.12401 |
J Econ Manage Strat. 2021;30:81–99. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/jems © 2020 Wiley Periodicals LLC
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81
Received: 15 March 2019
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Revised: 8 July 2020
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Accepted: 28 July 2020
DOI: 10.1111/jems.12401
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Incentives of low‐quality sellers to disclose negative
information
Dmitry Shapiro
1
|Seung Huh
2
1
Department of Economics, College of
Social Sciences, Seoul National University,
1 Gwanak‐ro, Gwanak‐gu, Seoul, South
Korea
2
College of Business Administration,
Incheon National University,
119 Academy‐ro, Yeonsu‐Gu,
Incheon, South Korea
Correspondence
Seung Huh, College of Business
Administration, Incheon National
University, 119 Academy‐ro, Yeonsu‐Gu,
Incheon 22012, South Korea.
Email: shuh@inu.ac.kr
Funding information
Incheon National University,
Grant/Award Number: 2017;
National Research Foundation of Korea,
Grant/Award Number: NRF‐
2018S1A5A8027545; The Department of
Economics at Seoul National University;
Creative‐Pioneering Researchers Program
(Seoul National University)
Abstract
The paper studies incentives of low‐quality sellers to disclose negative in-
formation about their products. We develop a model in which one's quality can
be communicated via cheap‐talk messages only. This setting limits the ability
of high‐quality sellers to separate, as any communication strategy they pursue
can be costlessly imitated by low‐quality sellers. We study two factors that can
incentivize low‐quality sellers to communicate their quality: buyers' loss
aversion and competition. Quality disclosure reduces buyers' risk, thereby
increasing their willingness to pay for the product. It also introduces product
differentiation, softening the competition.
1|INTRODUCTION
Is honesty the best policy for sellers? Arguably, when customers cannot easily discover negative aspects of the products,
low‐quality sellers would be better off concealing information about their weaknesses. Many empirical studies have
documented instances where negative information damages sales and purchasing likelihood through various routes, such
as publicity, customer reviews, or word of mouth (Berger, Sorensen, & Rasmussen, 2010). Therefore, it seems natural for
sellers to hide negative information about their products in the presence of asymmetric information aboutproduct quality.
However, we do observe many sellers voluntarily sharing negative aspects of their products, even when customers
would not likely discover them (i.e., when products are high in experience or credence attributes). For example, Hans
Brinker Hotel in Amsterdam, the Netherlands is famous for its strategy of honestly revealing its low quality and
explaining negative aspects of its services, such as rooms without a view and no hot water. Chipotle Mexican Grill's
website used to highlight drawbacks of their ingredients in its “Room for Improvement”section.
1
The website
Woot.com (owned by Amazon) is known for its preemptive revelation of the disadvantages of listed products, stating
that they would prefer that customers not buy from them to “regretting their purchases.”
2
Voluntary disclosure of
negative information regarding experience or credence attributes can also be found in many consumer‐to‐consumer
online marketplaces. eBay and Craigslist sellers often voluntarily describe weaknesses of their listed products, both via
cheap‐talk messages, such as “the product is in fair condition,”and via verifiable information, such as pictures of
specific damages and scratches that are otherwise indiscernible. Jin and Kato (2006) found that many eBay sellers of
collectible baseball cards revealing low grades were honest about their claims, even though most buyers could not
correctly evaluate the quality before or after their purchase. Finally, two‐sided advertising where advertisement in-
cludes negative information—in conjunction with positive claims—about the product is a well‐known practice among
sellers (Crowley & Hoyer, 1994; Eisend, 2006,2007).
Interestingly, voluntary disclosure of negative information does not necessarily originate from reputation concerns.
Craigslist sellers often reveal negative information about their listings even though there are no reputation‐building
mechanisms (like, the one at eBay.com), and most sales on Craigslist are one‐time interactions with no repeated‐game
incentives for being honest. Furthermore, disclosure of negative information does not necessarily have negative effects
on profits or customers' perception of the product. For example, many travelers visiting Amsterdam choose to stay at
Hans Brinker Hotel and leave positive reviews, such as “For the reputation of the world's worst hotel, it wasn't as bad as
I thought.”
3
Two‐sided advertising has been shown to “enhance source credibility, positive cognitive responses, per-
ceived novelty, attitude toward the brand, and purchase intention.”(Eisend, 2006, p. 191).
Although the phenomenon of sellers disclosing negative information about their product is not as uncommon as one
would expect, it has not received much attention in the academic literature, especially from a theoretical perspective, as
the extensive literature on information disclosure has focused primarily on the tension between consumers who want
more information about quality and low‐quality sellers who would prefer to hide such information (Dranove & Jin, 2010).
This paper attempts to fill this gap by investigating the incentives of low‐quality sellers to disclose, rather than conceal,
negative information about their products.
For this purpose, we consider a model in which loss‐averse buyers cannot evaluate the quality of the product, and the
only tool that sellers can use to communicate information about their product's quality is cheap‐talk messages. There are
no repeated purchases, no reputation concerns, no certification technology, and no warranties. The cheap‐talk setting
limits the ability of high‐quality sellers to separate, as any communicationstrategy they employ can be costlessly imitated
by low‐quality sellers, thereby shifting the focus to incentives of low‐quality sellers' in any information transmission.
4
In this setting, we identify two factors that can incentivize low‐quality sellers to reveal their quality in our model.
First, revealing one's quality, whether it is low or high, reduces the quality uncertainty associated with the purchase and
increases loss‐averse buyers' willingness to pay. The literature has generally agreed that quality uncertainty has a major
negative influence on customers' purchase decisions (Bauer, 1960; Dowling, 1986; Markin, Jr., 1974; Ross, 1975; Stone &
Winter, 1985; Taylor, 1974). In an online setting, Dewally and Ederington (2006) showed empirically that uncertainty
reduction increases the valuation of listed products on online auctions. Second, revealing one's quality allows a seller to
differentiate one's product from those of competitors, thereby softening the competition and increasing one's profits. Jin
and Sorensen (2006) have shown that hospitals' decisions to disclose quality scores, whether positive or negative, are
driven by incentives to differentiate themselves from competitors.
To separate the roles of these two factors—uncertainty reduction and softening competition via product
differentiation—we first consider the setting of a monopolistic seller and then extend it by adding a second seller. In the
monopoly setting, when a low‐quality seller decides whether or not to separate, he faces the trade‐off between
the positive information effect of removing quality uncertainty, thereby increasing buyers' willingness to pay, and the
negative quality effect of revealing his low quality, thereby decreasing buyers' willingness to pay. The information effect
must offset the quality effect in order for separation to occur, and we derive conditions for this to happen in equili-
brium. As one would expect, only low‐quality sellers can separate in equilibrium. High‐quality sellers do not face a
trade‐off between the quality and information effects, as the separation would both reveal their high quality and remove
quality uncertainty. Therefore, low‐quality sellers always find it optimal to imitate them.
In the duopoly setting, incentives of low‐quality sellers to separate change since profits depend not only on buyers'
willingness to paybut also on the intensity of competition. If a message associated with higher quality is likely to result in
a more intensive competition, it weakens the incentives of low‐quality sellers to pool with high‐quality types. This means,
as we will show, that equilibria in the duopoly setting include outcomes that were not possible in the monopoly setting.
Overall, this study contributes to the literature on information disclosure by focusing on the incentives of low‐
quality sellers to reveal negative information. First, we show that even when the ability to communicate one's quality is
limited to cheap‐talk messages, and when there are no market frictions, such as search or matching, information
transmission is possible. Second, due to the limited ability of high‐quality sellers to communicate their quality, the
information transmission is driven by the incentives of low‐quality sellers. Third, we identify two factors—buyers' risk
attitude and increased product differentiation—that can incentivize low‐quality sellers to separate. We analyze the role
of each factor on information disclosure and show how they interact with each other.
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SHAPIRO AND HUH
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