How Public Spirited Is American Labor?

AuthorJoseph A. Loftus
Published date01 March 1952
Date01 March 1952
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/000271625228000113
Subject MatterArticles
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How Public Spirited Is American Labor?
1
By JOSEPH A. LOFTUS
A MERICAN workmen who com- country. The whole world would feel
bined to raise their own wages
the tremors.
were prosecuted for criminal conspiracy
The labor leaders are conscious of
at one time. We did not officially jetti-
this power. Perhaps that is what leads
son that doctrine until little more than
them into a certain bombast in the po-
a century ago. As late as 1917 the Su-
litical area-that and their successes in
preme Court of the United States was
the New Deal days. When their threats
giving positive support to the &dquo;yellow
in political campaigns are contrasted
dog&dquo; contract, in -which workers agreed,
with the achievements, one wonders if
as a condition of getting and keeping
the labor leaders have not made the
their jobs, not to join or support a
error of thinking their political influ-
union. The court held that union lead-
ence has the same dimensions as their
ers might not encourage these workers
economic power.
to join a union.2
2
Twenty years ago
Aldric Revell, who is a political
the labor movement in America could
writer and columnist for the Madison
claim only three and one-quarter mil-
(Wisconsin) Capital Times, as well as
lion members. Fifteen years ago labor’s
a leader in state and local CIO activi-
statutory protection of the right to or-
ties, found that only 52 per cent of or-
ganize freely was challenged by em-
ganized labor in Madison was registered
ployers in the Supreme Court on consti-
after a two-year registration campaign
tutional grounds. Today we ask how
by labor. Mr. Revell concluded: &dquo;On
public spirited American labor is.
the basis of the record in Madison-
No doubt about it, labor has come a
certainly a more politically conscious
long way. The question implies that it
city than many others-the labor vote
has come to a place of power, perhaps
is a myth.&dquo; 3
even to maturity.
Mr. Revell’s flat conclusion needs
some modification.
Labor’s power is
HOW POWERFUL?
measured not only in the registration
Labor union membership totals about
of its members in a given year or in its
fifteen million. This is less than one-
enrolled membership totals or in their
fourth of the total work force.
The
strategic location in the economy. Con-
more important fact economically is the
sider, for example, the concept of the
concentration in coal, steel, transporta-
&dquo;labor community,&dquo; embracing the un-
tion, and mass manufacturing. This is
organized as well as the organized em-
a powerful striking force. A prolonged
ployees. This is the base of labor’s
shutdown in one of these areas at this
power. That is not to say that labor
time would disrupt the economy of the
speaks for all American workers at all
1
For purposes of this article, "labor" and
times; labor cannot speak for itself
"organized labor" are used interchangeably
with a unified voice on many questions.
and refer particularly to the AFL (American
But on broad economic and social issues
Federation of Labor) and the CIO (Congress
of Industrial Organizations).
3
Aldric Revell, "Labor’s Mightiest Myth,"
2
Hitchman Coal &
Coke Co. v. Marshall,
The Progressive, Vol. 15, No. 9 (Sept. 1941),
245 U.S. 229 (1917).
p. 21.
90


91
-a
wage and hour law, for example, or
In fact, organized labor is not very
government action to aid the unem-
well organized. The carpenters are well
ployed in a depression-labor is spoke-
organized. Their union looks after the
man for the mass of American workers.
interests of carpenters. The steelwork-
Its demands and its protests over the
ers’ union looks after the interests of
years have impressed themselves on the
steelworkers.
But are they looking
laws of the land-the Clayton Act (la-
after the interests of labor? The op-
bor is not a commodity); maximum
portunity for economic and social up-
hour laws for women and minors;
lift in the farm labor and southern tex-
workmen’s compensation; the Railway
tile areas is still great. AFL and CIO
Labor Act, which adopted existing col-
unions struggle along in those areas on
lective bargaining practices in detail;
scarcity budgets with little or no help
the Norris-LaGuardia Act, which curbed
from the better-entrenched unions with
the use of injunctions against labor.
millions in their treasuries.
Dogged
These are some of the achievements
fights for supremacy go on between
that have entrenched labor in Ameri-
unions within the AFL and within the
can life.
On such issues there is such
CIO and between the two big groups.
a thing as a labor vote, and that vote
Some unions still discriminate against
is articulate and effective because of
Negroes. The closed union, high initia-
unions.
tion fees, and the like, antagonize some
members of the labor community.
SELF-INTEREST APPROACH
When these practices persist, it is no
More frequently labor operates on
wonder that labor’s appeals to the cru-
a narrower base, as in the case of the
sading spirit or the humanitarian in-
Taft-Hartley Act. This law has made
stincts of the American people often
life more difficult for union leaders; it
miss their mark, political campaigns
has raised the cost of organizing and
miss fire, or legislatures write restrictive
staying organized for most unions. But
labor statutes. Where labor can clearly
it has yet to be shown that...

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