HOPE Probation

Published date01 November 2016
AuthorSteven S. Alm
Date01 November 2016
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12261
COMMENTARY
HOPE COLLECTION
HOPE Probation
Fair Sanctions, Evidence-Based Principles, and Therapeutic
Alliances
Steven S. Alm
Circuit Court Judge (Retired), Honolulu, Hawaii
My name is Steven Alm, and I am a recently retired circuit court judge in
Honolulu, Hawaii. I conceived of the idea for Hawaii’sOpportunity Probation
with Enforcement or HOPE strategy and, together with our probation officers
and the other criminal justice system partners, implemented it in 2004. I thus read the
recent evaluations of the Department of Justice’s Demonstration Field Experiment (DFE)
(Lattimore et al., 2016, this issue) and Delaware’s Decide Your Time (DYT) (O’Connell,
Brent, and Visher, 2016, this issue) with great interest. Although Texas had some good
outcomes, the others were similar to probation-as-usual (PAU) and I wondered why. As we
have had great success with Hawaii’s HOPE strategy here in Honolulu for nearly 12 years
now, and as other jurisdictions (e.g., Texas SWIFT [Martin, 2013], Kentucky SMART
[Administrative Office of the Courts & Department of Corrections, 2013], Michigan
SSSPP [DeVall,Lanier, and Hartmann, 2011–2013], and WashingtonState Swift & Certain
[Hamilton et al., 2015]) have had independent, evaluation-proven successes as well, I was
curious as to the mixed results I was seeing reported in the DFE and DYT evaluations.
In reading the two evaluations, I came to the realization that the evaluators in both the
DFE and the DYT studies, as well as, apparently, several of the practitioners involved,
unfortunately have a basic misunderstanding of the HOPE strategy.They seemingly believe
that HOPE is simply a sanctions-only program that is solely concerned with imposing jail
sanctions on probationers with no interest in their rehabilitation. Indeed, this is a common,
but flawed and serious, misunderstanding of the HOPE strategy, and it ignores the critical
roles played by the judge, probation/parole officers (POs), and treatment providers in
HOPE. This misconception explains the metrics used/omitted in determining fidelity to
the HOPE model and could have had significant impact on the results of the DFE and
Direct correspondence to Steven S. Alm (e-mail: stevenscottalm@gmail.com).
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12261 C2016 American Society of Criminology 1195
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 15 rIssue 4
Commentary HOPE Collection
DYT studies. Given this misunderstanding of the HOPE strategy, let me briefly explain
the HOPE strategy as it really exists, as well as the context and culture in which it was
developed (for a complete description, see the State of the Art of HOPE Probation [Institute
for Behavior and Health, 2015]).
The HOPE probation strategy,as originally conceived and implemented in Honolulu,
Hawaii, in 2004, is a probationer-centered, collaborative strategy among the judge, proba-
tion, defense, prosecution, corrections, law enforcement, and treatment providers to effect
positive behavioral changes in probationers. As I as a judge (recently retired) only saw
probationers for violations, I could supervise a large number, approximately 2,000 of the
6,800, on felony probation or deferral on Oahu.
The HOPE strategy targets higher risk/higher needs probationers by using swift, cer-
tain, consistent, and proportionate jail sanctions for noncompliance with probation con-
ditions while the probation officer and the judge both maintain a working alliance with
the probationer. Here, in Honolulu, within the framework of the National Institute of
Corrections’s (NIC) Eight Evidence-Based Principles for Effective Interventions (EBPs),
HOPE assists probationers in the change process in a caring and supportive environment
to help probationers succeed in probation and in life.
Many probationers resist change, and with PAU, it is often hard to engage with them.
The sanctions component of HOPE promotes ambivalence for change and helps to move
offenders from being externally motivated to being internally motivated by seeing the value
of change (e.g., “I don’twant to go to jail” to“I want to be a better role model for my kids”).
Probationers will be much more sober and much more likely to attend meetings with the
probation officer, as well as much more likely to begin, attend, and persevere in treatment,
be it substance abuse, domestic violence, or sex offender.
In addition to a basic misunderstanding of the HOPE strategy itself, the DFE (Lat-
timore et al., 2016) and DYT (O’Connell et al., 2016) evaluators also fail to differentiate
the HOPE strategy from Swift, Certain, and Fair (SCF). Indeed, the title of the DFE
evaluation refers to both; they use the terms HOPE and SCF interchangeably or together
(HOPE/SCF), and the evaluations purport to be an evaluation of both as if they were one
and the same. That is not the case.
SCF, although inspired by HOPE and incorporating many of its elements, is a swift,
certain, and fair sanctions program that can be used in a variety of community corrections
and penal supervision settings. Even though SCF may well be finding success in various
supervision settings, it is not the HOPE strategy and should not be confused or conflated
with it.
The solicitation for the DFE (Lattimore et al., 2016) evaluation was “Evaluation of
the Honest Opportunity Probation with Enforcement Demonstration Field Experiment
(HOPE DFE).” The authors of the DFE and DYT (O’Connell et al., 2016) evaluations
apparently did not understand the differences between the HOPE strategy and SCF and
conflated the two in their titles, evaluations, and findings. As the HOPE DFE was to be an
1196 Criminology & Public Policy

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