Gun Culture 2.0: The Evolution and Contours of Defensive Gun Ownership in America

Published date01 November 2022
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231156292
AuthorDavid Yamane
Date01 November 2022
Subject MatterThe Changing Composition of Gun Violence
20 ANNALS, AAPSS, 704, November 2022
DOI: 10.1177/00027162231156292
Gun Culture
2.0: The
Evolution and
Contours of
Defensive Gun
Ownership in
America
By
DAVID YAMANE
1156292ANN THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYGUN CULTURE 2.0
research-article2023
I trace the evolution of gun culture in the U.S., starting
with the prehistorical normality and significance of
projectile weaponry among Homo sapiens, then turning
to the largely practical use of firearms as tools in the
Colonial, Revolutionary, and Early Republic eras (ca.
1607–1850). I highlight the emergence of Gun Culture
1.0, which centered on sport hunting, recreation, and
collecting and was the core of American gun culture
from approximately 1850 to 2010. I then show the roots
of Gun Culture 2.0, which began in the 1960s and
1970s and centered on self-defense. I use various indi-
cators to document that, by 2010, armed self-defense
had become the core of American gun culture. In the
penultimate section of the article, I use the great gun-
buying spree of 2020+ to show the diversity that exists
within Gun Culture 2.0, a theme that carries over to the
conclusion, where I consider possible future directions
of gun culture.
Keywords: guns; firearms; gun culture; concealed
carry; self-defense; United States
America is awash in firearms, which are
owned by a significant portion of the popu-
lation. There are likely over 400 million guns in
the United States, owned by at least 75 million
individuals. Most of the population currently
lives with a gun in their house or has lived with
at least one in the past, and a sizeable minority—
those I call the “gun curious”—have thought
about or are actively considering acquiring a
gun (Kelley and Ellison 2021). Only about one-
third of Americans say they do not and will
never own guns. A remarkable seven out of ten
American adults have fired a gun—nearly 180
million people (Parker et al. 2017). Guns are a
perfectly normal part of life for most Americans.
Correspondence: yamaned@wfu.edu
David Yamane is a professor of sociology at Wake
Forest University. He is currently completing a book,
Gun Curious: A Journey into America’s Evolving
Culture of Firearms, based on his 10+ years observing
and participating in American gun culture.
GUN CULTURE 2.0 21
In his 1970 essay, “America as a Gun Culture,” historian Richard Hofstadter
remarked on—or, more accurately, lamented—the uniqueness of the U.S. “as the
only modern industrial urban nation that persists in maintaining a gun culture.”
In Hofstadter’s account, U.S. gun culture is rooted in the reality of widespread,
lawful possession of firearms by a large segment of the population. He recog-
nized that guns as material objects are central to the construction of any gun
culture. Without guns, there is no gun culture. But this is a trivial statement in
itself, so it is crucial to explain how people understand and use guns, how under-
standings and uses change over time, and their significant consequences. Note
that the focus of my work is on legal gun cultures. The U.S. also has armed
“criminal subcultures” (Kohn 2004), which are responsible for a large part of the
gun violence we see and are addressed more directly in other articles in this
volume.
This article discusses the evolution and contours of contemporary gun culture.
I begin by tracing the evolution of gun culture, starting with a prehistory high-
lighting the anthropological normality and significance of projectile weaponry
among Homo sapiens. I then turn to the largely practical uses of firearms as tools
in the Colonial, Revolutionary, and Early Republic eras (ca. 1607–1850). Next, I
highlight the emergence of Gun Culture 1.0, which centered on sport hunting,
recreation, and collecting and was the core of American gun culture from approx-
imately 1850 to 2010. I then explore the evolution of Gun Culture 2.0, which
began in the 1960s and 1970s, and is centered on self-defense. I use various
indicators to document that, by 2010, armed self-defense had clearly become the
core of American gun culture. In the penultimate section, I use the great gun-
buying spree of 2020+ to show the diversity that exists within Gun Culture 2.0,
a theme I carry over into the conclusion, where I also consider possible future
developments.
The Early Evolution of America’s Gun Culture
The human-weapon relationship and the normality of guns
My work on guns and gun culture begins with a very different premise than
most of the other articles in this volume. The premise is not novel. Nearly a half
century ago, Wright and Marston (1975, 106) observed that “the vast, over-
whelming majority of . . . privately owned weapons are not involved in accidental
shootings or intentional deaths.” The same is true of today’s 400 million or so
civilian firearms. Looking back on 20 years of research on guns in America,
Wright (1995, 64) concluded that “gun ownership is normative, not deviant,
behavior across vast swaths of the social landscape.” As I put it, guns are normal
and normal people use guns.
When I say guns are normal and normal people use guns, I am not merely
describing the contemporary American scene. The normality runs far deeper.
Projectile weapons are behaviorally normal for Homo sapiens as a species.
Today’s widely owned civilian firearms are part of an unbroken thread of what

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