Geopolitical jockeying: Economic nationalism and multinational strategy in historical perspective

AuthorChristina Lubinski,R. Daniel Wadhwani
Published date01 March 2020
Date01 March 2020
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1002/smj.3022
SPECIAL ISSUE ARTICLE
Geopolitical jockeying: Economic nationalism and
multinational strategy in historical perspective
*
Christina Lubinski
1,2
| R. Daniel Wadhwani
3
1
Centre for Business History, Department of
Management, Politics and Philosophy,
Copenhagen Business School, Frederiksberg,
Denmark
2
Lloyd Greif Center for Entrepreneurial Studies,
Marshall School of Business, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles, California
3
Eberhardt School of Business, University of the
Pacific, Los Angeles, California
Correspondence
R. Daniel Wadhwani, University of the Pacific,
3601 Pacific Avenue, Stockton, CA 95211.
Email: dwadhwani@pacific.edu
Research Summary:We explore multinational strategy
formation in the context of rising economic nationalism.
Specifically, we examine how firms develop strategies to
capitalize on the historical and aspirational attributes of
national identity. Analyzing the histories of two German
multinationals in late colonial India, we find that these firms
engaged in geopolitical jockeyingto delegitimize rival
multinationals and position themselves as complementary to
the economic and political goals of the host nation. Toward
thatendtheyemployedaspirational political practices,
addressingthe inherently future-oriented character of nation-
alism, and invested in the development of political capabili-
ties to gather information and shape perceptions of national
contexts. The paper contributes to a more robust conceptual-
ization of nations and nationalism and their role in the for-
mation of international competition and strategy.
Managerial Summary:Rising economic nationalism can
create political and economic opportunities as well as
threats for multinational firms. Through a historical analy-
sis of the emerging strategy of two German companies
Siemens and Bayerin late colonial India, we show how
firms can engage in geopolitical jockeyingto delegitimize
rival multinationals and position themselves as complemen-
tary to the economic and political goals of host nations. To
do so the companies engaged in aspirational political
practices,addressing the inherently future or goal-oriented
aspects of nations, and created political capabilities designed
to both gather intelligence on and shape the nationalist
movements.The paper uses history as a mirror for reflecting
on the causes and consequences of economic nationalism
for international strategy in our own time.
This article is dedicated to the memory of Kishin V. Wadhwani (1925-2019).
*The authors contributed equally.
Received: 1 October 2017 Revised: 31 December 2018 Accepted: 1 February 2019 Published on: 15 April 2019
DOI: 10.1002/smj.3022
400 © 2019 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/smj Strat Mgmt J. 2020;41:400421.
KEYWORDS
history, international strategy, multinational strategy,
nationalism, nonmarket strategy, political capabilities
1|INTRODUCTION
Research on multinational strategy has clearly recognized that international business does not operate
in a frictionless, globalized world. Early theories of multinational enterprise (MNEs) focused on how
firms achieved competitive advantages abroad based on the economics of ownership and location
advantages (Dunning, 1977; Hymer, 1976), with relatively less analytical attention to the political
contexts of home and host countries. More recent approaches have theorized extensively about how
the relationship between specific home and host countries shapes the risks and opportunities MNEs
face in going abroad (Ghemawat, 2007, 2017). Institutional and legitimacy theories, in particular,
have emphasized strategy formation within the political contexts in which MNEs operate (Henisz &
Zelner, 2012; Kostova & Zaheer, 1999; Luo, 2004; Marquis & Raynard, 2015; Stevens, Xie, & Peng,
2016).
Yet, despite the growing recognition of the importance of political context in multinational strat-
egy, research has only started to grapple more deeply with one of the most important sources of polit-
ical legitimacy: economic nationalism (Abdelal, 2001; Jakobsen & Jakobsen, 2011). Both historically
and today, economic nationalism has been a particularly important source of political risks but also
of political opportunities for multinationals. While strategy and international business scholars have
recognized the importance of nations and nationalism in their accounts of the context for international
business (Ghemawat, 2007; Vernon, 1998; Wells & Ahmad, 2007), little analytical attention has been
devoted to the aspirational (Abdelal, 2001) and historical (Breuilly, 2013) characteristics of nations
as imagined communities(Anderson, 1983). The relative neglect of national identity, and the idea-
tional aspects of nationalism and nationhood limits our ability to grasp its role in multinational strat-
egy formation.
In this paper, we address this gap by exploring how integrating the aspirational and historical
characteristics of nations might contribute to our understanding of multinational strategy formation.
Using the historical cases of two German multinationalsthe electrical company Siemens and the
chemical firm Bayer (since 1925, part of I.G. Farben)in late colonial India, we explore how these
multinationals dealt with the rise of Indian nationalism. We find that nationalism presented German
MNEs with strategic opportunities as well as risks. Over the decades between World War I and
World War II, the German companies learned to capitalize on rising nationalism in the Subcontinent
using an emerging strategy of positioning themselves as outsidersto colonialism, and hence as a
politically legitimate alternative to rival MNEs from the UK. Bayer and Siemens came to do so by
presenting their aims and actions as complementary to the aspirations of nationalist leaders. They
engaged in practices, such as partnerships with nationalists and educational programs for Indians,
which worked to cultivate the trust of Indian nationalists and to delegitimize their British rivals. And,
they increasingly invested in the ability to gather both home and host country political information
and engage in communication designed to maintain that political advantage in the Subcontinent. By
LUBINSKI AND WADHWANI 401

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