From villain to victim

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12497
Date01 May 2020
AuthorEoin Healy,Amanda Bobnis,Brandn Green,Stephen V. Gies
Published date01 May 2020
DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12497
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
LAW AND THE COURTS
From villain to victim
The impact of safe harbor laws on minors involved in commercial
sexual exploitation
Stephen V. Gies PhD Eoin Healy PhD Brandn Green PhD
Amanda Bobnis MS
Development Services Group Inc., Bethesda, MD
Correspondence
StephenV. Gies, Research and Evaluation,
DevelopmentServices Group Inc., 7315 Wis-
consinAve 800 East, Bethesda, MD 20814-
3202.
Email:sgies@dsgonline.com
Fundinginformation
Officeof Juvenile Justice and Delinquency
Prevention,Grant/Award Number:Grant No.
2014–JF–FX–0002
Thisproject was supported by Grant No. 2014–
JF–FX–0002,awarded by the Office of Juvenile
Justiceand Delinquency Prevention, Office of
JusticePrograms, U.S. Department of Justice,
with StephenV. Gies as the principal investiga-
torand all aut hor authors as co-investigators.
Thepoints of view in this document are those
oft he authors and do not necessarilyrepre-
sentt he official position or policies of the U.S.
Department of Justice.
Research Summary: Safe harbor laws are designed to
redirect young victims of commercial sexual exploitation
away from justice system involvement by prohibiting their
arrest and prosecution as criminals. A quasi-experimental
design was used to compare prostitution-related crime and
sex abuse maltreatment trends at the county level in states
that have implemented safe harbor laws with a comparison
group of counties in states that have not implemented safe
harbor laws. Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) were used to
measure prostitution-related crime trends, while National
Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS) data
were used to measure sex abuse maltreatment trends. We
used a multilevel Poisson regression model to analyze the
change in prostitution-related crime and sex abuse maltreat-
ment trends in treatment and comparison counties over an
11-year observation period (2005–15).
Policy Implications: Overall, the findings provide a strik-
ing perspective into the current U.S. landscape of dealing
with the commercial sexual exploitation of juveniles. To
that end, the decline in the number of overall and juvenile
arrests across all prostitution-related offenses suggests that
safe harbor lawswere effective in redirecting young victims
away from system involvement. But the systematic provi-
sion of treatment services envisioned to go to these young
victims has, to date, not become a reality. Nevertheless,
Criminology & Public Policy. 2020;19:389–408. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/capp © 2020 American Society of Criminology 389
390 GIES ET AL.
these findings offer policymakers a foundation of evidence
that can be used to engage intelligently and knowledgeably
with regard to the current state of U.S. policy.
The sexual abuse of children and adolescents for economic gain, more commonly knownas the “com-
mercial sexual exploitation of children”(CSEC) is an atrocious cr ime (Albanese, 2007; Barnitz, 2001),
yet little is known about it. For example, no one knows for certain the extent to which CSEC occurs,
who are the perpetrators involved, and how manychildren are victims (Bar nert et al., 2017; Moynihan
et al., 2018). No one knows whether programs to address the needs of child victims of commercial
sexual exploitation benefit or harm them (Dell et al., 2017; Gerassi, 2017; Goldberg & Moore, 2018).
And there is scant evidence on whether established interventions to prevent and combat CSEC work to
reduce victimization (Barnert et al., 2017; Coleman, 2016; Davy, 2016; Felner & DuBois, 2017; van
der Laan, Smit, Busschers, Aarten, & van der Laan, 2011).
This lack of knowledge presents several challenges to policy makers for both understanding the
issue and consequently designing sound and responsible public policy to address the issue. In fact, the
first challenge to understanding CSEC is clearly defining it—for there is considerable confusion over
the distinction between CSEC and the sex trafficking of minors. Consider, for example, the Office of
Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) definition of CSEC:
A range of crimes and activities involving the sexual abuse or exploitation of a child
for the financial benefit of any person or in exchange for anything of value (including
monetary and nonmonetary benefits) given or received by any person. Examples of crimes
and acts that constitute CSEC include child sex trafficking/the prostitution of children.
(OJJDP, n.d.)
Note that the OJJDP definition lists sex trafficking as a form of CSEC. Others consider CSEC a form
of sex trafficking (Hampton & Lieggi, 2017). The two terms, in fact, are often used interchangeably
in the scientific literature (Gozdziak & Collett, 2005). Although these definitional issues should not
detract from the broader point that the commercial sexual abuse of children is a crime, they can be
problematic for measuring crime, prosecuting perpetrators, ensuring victims’ access to services, and
other reasons (Clayton, Krugman, & Simon, 2013).
Researchers have also noted that the choice of terminology can make a significant impact on the
criminal liability of child victims of commercial sexual exploitation (Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak,
2010; Mitchell, Jones, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2011). For example, “U.S. child victims may be referred
to as ‘prostitutes’ and foreign national child victims may be referred to as ‘sex trafficking victims’”
(Adams, Owens, & Small, 2010, p. 4). Although the difference in these characterizations may seem
inconsequential at a superficial level, the ramifications of such labels pose an egregious paradox. The
latter characterization (sex trafficking victims) views the youths involved as virtuous victims entitled
to support, compassion, and compensation, whereas the former (prostitutes) depicts the same youths
as prurient criminals who merit only the sanctions offered by the criminal justice system.
Furthermore, research demonstrates that characterizing these youths as criminals affects how they
are treated by law enforcement (Adams et al., 2010; Adelson, 2008), leading to a host of negative
outcomes including retraumatization through arrest, prosecution, and detention (Geist, 2012; Smith,
Vardaman, & Snow, 2009), and social hardships such as homelessness and social isolation (Clayton
et al., 2013). Finally,as Bounds, Julion, and Delaney (2015), p. 21) observed, such mischaracterizations

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