Formative Experiences and Portfolio Choice: Evidence from the Finnish Great Depression

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jofi.12469
Published date01 February 2017
AuthorSAMULI KNÜPFER,ELIAS RANTAPUSKA,MATTI SARVIMÄKI
Date01 February 2017
THE JOURNAL OF FINANCE VOL. LXXII, NO. 1 FEBRUARY 2017
Formative Experiences and Portfolio Choice:
Evidence from the Finnish Great Depression
SAMULI KN ¨
UPFER, ELIAS RANTAPUSKA, and MATTI SARVIM ¨
AKI
ABSTRACT
We trace the impact of formative experiences on portfolio choice. Plausibly exogenous
variation in workers’ exposure to a depression allows us to identify the effects and a
new estimation approach makes addressing wealth and income effects possible. We
find that adversely affected workers are less likely to invest in risky assets. This result
is robust to a number of control variables and it holds for individuals whose income,
employment, and wealth were unaffected. The effects travel through social networks:
individuals whose neighbors and family members experienced adverse circumstances
also avoid risky investments.
THE LARGE DEGREE OF HETEROGENEITY in how individuals construct financial
portfolios poses a challenge for theory and empirical work. Studies of twins
deepen the puzzle by showing that genetically inherited traits and family back-
ground cannot account for the variation in portfolio choice. Likewise, observ-
able characteristics over and above genetic makeup and family environment do
Samuli Kn¨
upfer is with BI Norwegian Business School and CEPR. Elias Rantapuska is with
Aalto University School of Business. Matti Sarvim¨
aki is with Aalto University School of Busi-
ness and VATT Institute for Economic Research. We thank Statistics Finland and the Finnish
Tax Administration for providing us with the data. We are also grateful to Ashwini Agrawal,
Shlomo Benartzi, Janis Berzins, David Cesarini, Joao Cocco, Henrik Cronqvist, Francisco Gomes,
Harrison Hong, Kristiina Huttunen, Tullio Jappelli, Lena Jaroszek, Ron Kaniel, Markku Kaustia,
Hyunseob Kim, Juhani Linnainmaa, Ulrike Malmendier, Stefan Nagel, Stijn Van Nieuwerburgh,
Alessandro Previtero, Miikka Rokkanen, Clemens Sialm, Ken Singleton (Editor), Paolo Sodini,
Robin Stitzing, Johan Walden, an Associate Editor, and two referees for insights that benefited
this paper. Conference and seminar participants at the 4 Nations Cup 2013, American Economic
Association Meetings 2014, China International Conference in Finance 2013, Conference of the
European Association of Labour Economists 2013, Duisenberg Workshop in Behavioral Finance
2014, European Conference on Household Finance 2013, European Finance Association Meetings
2013, Helsinki Finance Summit 2013, Young Scholars Nordic Finance Workshop 2012, Aalto Uni-
versity,European Retail Investment Conference 2015, HECER, London Business School, Research
Institute of Industrial Economics, Stockholm School of Economics, and University of California at
Berkeley provided valuable comments and suggestions, and Antti Lehtinen provided excellent
research assistance. We gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Emil Aaltonen Foun-
dation, the Foundation for Economic Education, the Helsinki School of Economics Foundation,
the NASDAQ OMX Nordic Foundation, and the OP-Pohjola Group Research Foundation. Earlier
versions circulated under the title “Labor Market Experiences and Portfolio Choice: Evidence from
the Finnish Great Depression.” The authors have read the Journal of Finance’s disclosure policy
and have no conflicts of interests to disclose.
DOI: 10.1111/jofi.12469
133
134 The Journal of Finance R
little to explain portfolio heterogeneity.1Thesepatterns suggest the answers to
the heterogeneity puzzle may lie in the events and circumstances individuals
experience during their lifetimes.
Experiences may influence portfolio choice through the formation of beliefs
and preferences. Although psychologists and sociologists have long acknowl-
edged that experiences can have a long-lasting impact on people (see Elder
(1998) for a review), economists have only recently started investigating the
impact of such formative experiences on financial decision making (Malmendier
and Nagel (2011,2016)). In this paper, we extend this line of research by in-
vestigating how formative experiences contribute to the large degree of hetero-
geneity in household portfolios.
The Finnish Great Depression of the early 1990s, combined with rich
register-based data, allows us to solve three challenges that plague attempts
to identify the impact of formative experiences on portfolio choice. First, the
events and circumstances people experience should relate to the formation of
beliefs and preferences. We analyze how experiences of labor market distress
influence long-run portfolio choice. Experiencing a job loss, facing difficulties
in job search, and seeing other workers laid off can lead individuals to hold
more pessimistic beliefs, reduce their appetite for risk, and shatter their trust
in financial markets.2
Second, individuals may experience different events and circumstances be-
cause they are different in ways that are unobservable to the econometrician.3
Variation across local labor markets solves this identification problem. The
depth of the Finnish Great Depression and its root causes—the collapse of
the Soviet Union in 1991 and a twin currency-banking crisis4—meant many
local labor markets experienced unexpected and severe disruptions. We show
that the exposure to adverse labor market conditions is plausibly exogenous
to worker characteristics and hence allows us to identify the impact of labor
market experiences on portfolio choice.
1Bertaut and Starr-McCluer (2002), Calvet, Campbell, and Sodini (2007), Curcuru et al. (2010),
Guiso and Sodini (2013), Haliassos and Bertaut (1995),andHeatonandLucas(2000) document
portfolio heterogeneity. Barnea, Cronqvist, and Siegel (2010), Cesarini et al. (2010), and Calvet
and Sodini (2013) use register-based twin data to analyze the determinants of portfolio choice.
2During the 2007 to 2009 Great Recession, approximately one in six workers in the U.S. labor
force experienced a job loss (Farber (2011)). Labor market distress was not solely confined to job
losers: more than one-third of workers expressed anxiety about layoffs, wage cuts, shorter hours,
and difficulties in finding a good job (Davis and von Wachter (2011)).
3For example, more risk-averse individuals may experience fewer adverse events because they
choose a safer environment, but at the same time their risk aversion makes them less likely
to invest in risky assets. This behavior would generate a spurious positive correlation between
adverse experiences and risky investment.
4From 1991 to 1993, Finland’s real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) fell by 10% and its unem-
ployment rate rose quickly from 3% to 16%. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 induced large
output contraction in industries involved in barter trade between Finland and the USSR (Gorod-
nichenko, Mendoza, and Tesar(2012)). The export shock was amplified by a twin currency-banking
crisis that is typically attributed to financial deregulation and credit expansion in the 1980s and
to attempts to defend the currency peg (Honkapohja et al. (2009), Jonung, Kiander, and Vartia
(2009), Gulan, Haavio, and Kilponen (2014)).
Formative Experiences and Portfolio Choice 135
Third, experiences may not only influence portfolio choice through their ef-
fects on preferences and beliefs, but also affect other determinants of financial
decisions, such as income and wealth.5Controlling for contemporaneous in-
come and wealth does not necessarily solve this challenge because income and
wealth are potential outcomes of labor market conditions (Angrist and Pischke
(2009)). We develop an alternative approach that leverages the great amount
of detail in the data to isolate experiences that likely do not correlate with
wealth, income, or other determinants of portfolio choice. These settings ana-
lyze the influence of secondhand experiences gained through the network of an
individual’s neighbors and family members.
Our measure of local labor market conditions stratifies the data according
to each worker’s region and occupation, and calculates how the rate of un-
employment in each region-occupation cell changed compared to years prior
to the depression. We then relate labor market conditions to investment in
risky assets measured more than a decade after the depression. Importantly,
the employment histories that feed into the calculation of labor market con-
ditions and the asset holdings that determine our measure of investment
in risky assets do not suffer from measurement error caused by recall bi-
ases in surveyed employment histories or by imprecise reporting of asset
holdings.6
Our way of measuring labor market experiences captures local labor market
conditions that are unrelated to worker characteristics. Conditional on fixed
effects for regions and occupations, a number of observable worker charac-
teristics measured prior to the depression do not correlate with labor market
experiences during the depression. Most importantly, labor market conditions
during the depression do not relate to investment in risky assets prior to the
depression. This falsification exercise suggests omitted variables are unlikely
to explain our results.
We find that experiences of adverse labor market conditions are associated
with less long-term investment in risky assets. The estimates suggest the stock
market participation rate, more than a decade after the depression, was 2.8
to 3.6 percentage points lower for workers who experienced a one-standard-
deviation deterioration in labor market conditions. The t-values, clustered at
the level of local labor markets, range from –5.9 to –6.0. This effect is large given
that the unconditional stock market participation rate in our sample is 22%.
The reductions in risky investment also extend to other asset classes. Adverse
labor market conditions are associated with less investment in fixed income
5These factors play a key role in determining risky investment in theories of household portfolio
choice (see Campbell (2006) and Guiso and Sodini (2013) for reviews).
6The main survey used to assess job losses in the United States, the Displaced Workers Survey
(DWS), suffers from recall bias due to its long recall period (five years in the early years of
the survey, three in the later years). For example, the number of displaced workers in 1987 is
dramatically different when estimated based on answers to the January 1988 wave (2.3 million)
and the January 1992 wave (1.3 million). See Appendix A in Congressional Budget Office (1993)
and Evans and Leighton (1995).

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