For whom does a transitional jobs program work?

AuthorJanine Zweig,Cindy Redcross,Jennifer Yahner
Published date01 November 2011
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2011.00767.x
Date01 November 2011
RESEARCH ARTICLE
TRANSITIONAL JOBS PROGRAM
For whom does a transitional jobs program
work?
Examining the recidivism effects of the Center
for Employment Opportunities program on former
prisoners at high, medium, and low risk of reoffending
Janine Zweig
Jennifer Yahner
Urban Institute
Cindy Redcross
MDRC
Each year, more than 700,000 individuals are released from prisons nationwide
(Sabol, West, and Cooper, 2009). Many former prisoners have lengthy criminal
backgrounds and struggle to avoid recidivating while reintegrating into the
communities to which they return. A person’s criminal history,age, and gender all contribute
to the likelihood of future crime (Gendreau, Little, and Goggin 2006; Levinson, 2002).
Among released prisoners, younger males with extensive criminal histories are often at
greatest risk of future recidivism (Langan and Levin, 2002).1
This research paper was prepared by the Urban Institute and MDRC as part of the Enhanced Services for the
Hard-to-Employ project funded by the Department of Health and Human Services and the Department of
Labor through Contract Number HHS-233–01–0012. The authors thank David Butler, Dan Bloom, and Charles
Michalopoulos of MDRC; reviewers from the Office of Planning, Research and Evaluation in the Administration
for Children and Families; and reviewers from the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation.
The opinions expressed in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the
official position or policies of the Department of Health and Human Services, or of the Urban Institute, its
trustees, or its funders. Portions of this article were reported to the Department of Health and Human Services
in the form of a research brief as per contractual obligations. Direct correspondence to Janine Zweig, Urban
Institute, 2100 M Street, NW, Washington, DC 20037 (e-mail: jzweig@urban.org).
1. As was the case in this study, released prisoners across the United States tend to be a relatively older
(age 30 years and older) group with a higher number of prior arrests (more than seven) (Langan and
Levin, 2002). Thus, when one talks about “younger” individuals with “extensive” criminal histories being
DOI:10.1111/j.1745-9133.2011.00767.x C2011 American Society of Criminology 945
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 10 rIssue 4
Research Article Transitional Jobs Program
According to social control theories, employment helps prevent criminal activity by
providing individuals with legitimate ties to conventional society (Piehl, 2003; Sampson
and Laub, 1993). Relatedly,social capital theorists argue that the interpersonal relationships
individuals form through employment—the positive social networks—can aid desistance
from criminal behavior (Baron, Field, and Schuller, 2001; Boeck, Fleming, and Kemshall,
2008; Evans, 2002; Farrall, 2004). Indeed, research has shown that stable employment
is an important predictor of postprison reentry success (Visher and Travis, 2003; Visher,
Winterfield, and Coggeshall, 2005). Using a multistate longitudinal design, Visher and
colleagues found that former prisoners who worked more weeks and had higher earnings
the first few months after release were less likely to be reincarcerated 1 and 3 years after
release (Visher and Courtney, 2007; Visher, Debus, and Yahner, 2008; Yahner and Visher,
2008).
It is also widely believed that program intervention soon after prison release can be
critical to long-term reentry success (see, e.g., Baer et al., 2006; Johnston-Listwan, Cullen,
and Latessa, 2006; Solomon et al., 2008). Accordingly, programs across the country have
focused on finding jobs for former prisoners after their release. However, the results from
previous evaluation efforts have shown that such employment programs have limited ability
to reduce recidivism. Meta-analyses of employment programs for former prisoners have
found little if any effect on postprison criminal activity (Aos, Miller,and Drake, 2006; Visher
et al., 2005). Yet, many studies included inthese meta-analyses had limited methodological
designs and those with the most rigorous designs were conducted decades ago. For example,
Uggen’s (1999) oft-cited reanalysis of the National Supported Work Demonstration relied
on data collected in the 1970s.2Consequently, Visher et al. (2005) called for stronger
evaluations of more current employment programs, specifically pointing to programs that
provide transitional jobs as those in most need of rigorous evaluation.
Although some past research has shown that subsidized work programs for youth do
not promote noncriminal behavior (e.g., Bushway and Reuter, 2002; Piliavin and Masters,
1981), transitional jobs models have emerged as a promising approach to intervention
at greatest risk of recidivism, it is important to understand that the meaning of these descriptors varies
from their use among a general population. What is equally important to understand, however, is that
prior research on individuals of many different ages and criminal backgrounds has found that the
relationship among these three factors—age, prior arrests, and recidivism—seems constant (younger
individuals with a higher number of prior criminal events are more likely to recidivate than the converse)
(Levinson, 2002).
2. Notably, Uggen (1999) found that randomly assigned employment reduced self-reported recidivism
among older (age 26 years or older) but not younger former prisoners. Although the average age of the
National Supported Work sample was 25, which is approximately 8 years younger than former prisoners
in the current sample, these findings are consistent with those reported later in this article to the extent
that Uggen’s measure of age was a proxy for prior arrests (age and prior arrests are typically highly
correlated, with older offenders having had greater opportunity to accumulate more prior arrests).
946 Criminology & Public Policy

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