Focused Deterrence Strategies and Crime Control

AuthorBrandon Turchan,Anthony A. Braga,David Weisburd
Published date01 February 2018
Date01 February 2018
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12353
RESEARCH ARTICLE
FOCUSED DETERRENCE STRATEGIES
AND CRIME CONTROL
Focused Deterrence Strategies and Crime
Control
An Updated Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis
of the Empirical Evidence
Anthony A. Braga
Northeastern University
David Weisburd
George Mason University and Hebrew University
Brandon Turchan
Rutgers University
Research Summary
Focused deterrence strategies are increasinglybeing applied to prevent and control gang
and group-involved violence, overt drug markets, and individual repeat offenders. Our
updated examination of the effects of focused deterrence strategies on crime followed the
systematic review protocols and conventions of the Campbell Collaboration. Twenty-
four quasi-experimental evaluations were identified in this systematic review. The
results of our meta-analysis demonstrate that focused deterrence strategiesare associated
with an overall statistically significant, moderate crime reduction effect. Nevertheless,
program effect sizes varied by program type and weresmaller for evaluations with more
rigorous research designs.
Policy Implications
The available empirical evidence suggests these strategies generate noteworthy crime
reduction impacts and should be part of a broader portfolio of crime reduction strategies
available to policy makers and practitioners. Investmentsstill need to be made, however,
Direct correspondence to Anthony A. Braga, Northeastern University, College of Social Sciences and
Humanities, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 204 Churchill Hall, 360 Huntington Avenue, Boston,
MA 02115 (e-mail: a.braga@northeastern.edu).
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12353 C2018 American Society of Criminology 205
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 17 rIssue 1
Research Article Focused Deterrence Strategies and Crime Control
to strengthen the overall rigor of program evaluations and improve our understanding
of key program activities associated with observed crime reduction impacts.
Keywords
Deterrence, problem-oriented policing, gang violence, repeat offenders, drug markets
Focused deterrence strategies, also known as “pulling levers” policing programs,
have been increasingly implemented in the United States and other countries to
reduce serious violent crime committed by gangs and other criminally active groups,
recurring offending by highly active individual offenders, and crime and disorder problems
generated by overt street-leveldr ug markets. These strategies areframed by an action research
model that is common to both problem-oriented policing and public health interventions to
reduce violence (Braga and Weisburd,2015). Briefly, the aim of focused deterrence strategies
is to change offender behavior by understanding underlying crime-producing dynamics and
conditions that sustain recurring crime problems and by implementing an appropriately
focused blended strategy of law enforcement, community mobilization, and social service
actions (Kennedy, 2008, 2011). Direct communications of increased enforcement risks
and the availability of social service assistance to target groups and individuals are defining
characteristics of focused deterrence strategies.
The focused deterrence approach was pioneered as the “Operation Ceasefire” interven-
tion in Boston, Massachusetts, to address an epidemic of gang homicide in the early-to-mid
1990s (Braga, Kennedy, Waring, and Piehl, 2001; Kennedy, Piehl, and Braga, 1996) and
then was eventually tested in other jurisdictions (e.g., McGarrell, Chermak, Wilson, and
Corsaro, 2006; Papachristos, Meares, and Fagan, 2007; Tita et al., 2004). Although the
goal of focused deterrence strategies is to prevent crime by changing offender perceptions
of sanction risk, other complementary crime prevention mechanisms seem to support the
crime control efficacy of these programs (Braga and Kennedy, 2012; Kennedy, Kleiman,
and Braga, 2017). These strategies are also intended to change offender behavior by mo-
bilizing community action, enhancing procedural justice, and improving police legitimacy.
To some observers, focused deterrence strategies hold great promise in reducing serious
violence while improving strained relationships between minority neighborhoods and the
police departments that serve them (Brunson, 2015; Meares, 2009).
In a now-dated Campbell Collaboration systematic review, ten quasi-experimental
evaluations of the crime control impacts of focused deterrence programs were identi-
fied based on a search for eligible studies completed in 2010 (Braga and Weisburd,
2012a, 2012b). In that Campbell review, researchers found that focused deterrence strate-
gies were associated with significant reductions in targeted crime problems. Although
the authors concluded that the available evidence was highly supportive of crime re-
duction impacts (Braga and Weisburd, 2012a, 2012b), they also noted the absence of
206 Criminology & Public Policy
Braga, Weisburd, and Turchan
randomized experiments and the fact that, in several of the included evaluations, weaker
designs were used with nonequivalent comparisons. By drawing on the results of the original
Campbell review and a growing body of evaluation evidence, ProfessorKenneth Land (2015:
515) concluded that focused deterrence programs “work” in violent crime control and that
policy makers should “let the focused deterrence and pulling levers programs roll with eternal
vigilance.”
Recently, more cities have tested the focused deterrence approach to control gang
violence, disorderly drug markets, and repeat offender problems. The National Networkfor
Safe Communities, an applied research project of the John Jay College of Criminal Justice,
provides support to some 84 U.S. cities who are implementing some version of a focused
deterrence strategy.1A few other countries have started to test the approach. For instance,
a focused deterrence program has been implemented targeting youth violence in Glasgow,
Scotland (Deuchar, 2013). Police executives and other public officials in Eastern European
and South American countries, such as Turkey and Brazil, have also explored the possibility
of implementing focused deterrence strategies to control gang and group-related violence
in their cities (National Network for Safe Communities, 2013).
The small number of studies and the preponderance of weaker evaluation designs, how-
ever, contribute to some healthy ongoing skepticism regarding the crime control benefits
associated with focused deterrence programs among practitioners and crime policy scholars.
Former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani criticized the “Boston Model” as not leading
to lasting crime control gains in his 2001 farewell address (The New York Times Staff,
2001). In an article published in The New Yorker, well-respected deterrence scholar Pro-
fessor Franklin Zimring is quoted as lamenting the lack of rigorous evaluations of focused
deterrence programs and, when assessing the Boston experience, suggested, “Ceasefire is
more of a theory of treatment rather than a proven strategy” (Seabrook, 2009: 37). Other
criminologists seem unaware of the existing empirical evidence. For instance, in his 2013
summary of the crime prevention value of focused deterrence programs, former National
Council on Crime and Delinquency president Barry Krisberg reported, “It certainly hasn’t
been effective so far, and there is no information suggesting it is effective” (as interviewed
by KTVU, 2013).
Given the growing popularity of focused deterrence programs and conflicting scholarly
views on the crime reduction value associated with the approach, ongoing systematic review
of rigorous program evaluations is necessary to keep policy and practice debates rooted in
the most up-to-date and comprehensive scientific evidence. In this article, we present the
findings of an updated Campbell Collaboration systematic review of 24 eligible program
evaluations in which the effects of focused deterrence on crime are measured. In this updated
review, more than twice as many eligible studies are considered when compared with its
1. For a complete list of cities supported by the National Network for Safe Communities, go to
nnscommunities.org/impact/cities (last accessed August 30, 2017).
Volume 17 rIssue 1 207

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