Extremist Violence From the Fatherland to the Homeland

Published date01 June 2017
AuthorWilliam S. Parkin,Elisabeth Jandro,Jeff Gruenewald
Date01 June 2017
DOI10.1177/1057567716679233
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Extremist Violence From the
Fatherland to the Homeland:
A Comparison of Far-Right
Homicide in Germany and
the United States
William S. Parkin
1
, Jeff Gruenewald
2
,
and Elisabeth Jandro
1
Abstract
The creation of open-source terrorist and extremist crime databases has led to a more complete
understanding of violence committed by members of the extreme far-right movement in the United
States. Yet, important questions remain about how serious forms of extremist violence in the
United States compare with far-right violence in other nations, which are also facing this type of
threat to homeland security. The current study draws from structured action theory of extremist
violence and extends an open-source method ology for the purpose s of making cross-nati onal
comparisons of incident-, offender-, and victim-level characteristics of extreme far-right homicide
in the United States and Germany. Despite some similarities, such as in offender race, legal out-
comes, and places where homicides occurred, we find several key differences in the nature of
extreme far-right homicide across these two countries. In particular, we find differences in geo-
graphic and temporal patterns as well as offender and victim demographic and background char-
acteristics. We conclude our study by considering how the unique social, political, and economic
contexts of the United States and Germany over the last 25 years serve to shape our findings.
Keywords
far-right, extremism, homicide, Germany, structured action theory
Introduction
There has been a concerted effort to advance social and behavioral research on terrorism and
extremism in the United States over the last 15 years. As part of this effort, criminologists have
worked to construct large, open-source databases on crimes committed by terrorists and extremists
1
Seattle University, Seattle, WA, USA
2
Indiana University—Purdue University Indianapolis, Indianapolis, IN, USA
Corresponding Author:
William S. Parkin, Seattle University, 901 12th Avenue, Seattle, WA 98122, USA.
Email: parkinw@seattleu.edu
International CriminalJustice Review
2017, Vol. 27(2) 85-107
ª2017 Georgia State University
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/1057567716679233
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for which official data have previously been inadequate or nonexistent. Despite several notable
exceptions (see, e.g., Fahey, LaFree, Dugan, & Piquero, 2012; LaFree, Morris, & Dugan, 2010), the
focus of recent research utilizing open-source data has centered on U.S.-based terrorism. Moreover,
existing cross-national terrorism studies have generally failed to hone in on certain types of terrorism
movements of interest, including the extreme far-right movement. As a result, it remains a challenge
to ascertain from existing empirical studies how and why characteristics of fatal far-right attacks
might be similar or different across nations.
In this study, we seek to advance research by extending the open-source methodology to two
countries, the United States and Germany, and make more precise cross-national comparisons of a
single form of ideological violence, homicide committed by far-right extremists, which continues to
be an enduring form of interpersonal violence in both countries. We acknowledge that cross-cultural,
criminological studies are difficult to conduct due to differences in social norms, the cultural
specificity of criminal behavior, and the lack of comparable data sets across countries. In response,
we utilize two unique data sources, both built from publicly available, open-source information, and
purposefully adjust their inclusion criteria to make the samples of far-right extremist homicides
more comparable. We also employ a theoretical framework that helps to contextualize possible
relationships between hierarchically organized social structures in both countries and the manifesta-
tion of situated homicide events.
To begin, we outline a theoretical framework that conceptually links macrolevel structures and
microlevel exchanges between far-right offenders and their victims. Next, we briefly introduce the
extreme far-right movements in Germany and the United States during the time period under study,
1990 through 2012. Providing background information on how violent far-right extremism mani-
fests in both countries, we then describe the data, methods, and results of the study, and end by
discussing how ideologically motivated homicide events in Germany and the United States compare
during periods of rapid social and political change. By comparing incident-, suspect-, and victim-
level attributes of extreme far-right homicide, this study illuminates how unique national socio-
political and cultural contexts shape situated acts of extremist violence in the United States and
Germany. To guide the current study, we seek to answer the following research question: Does fatal,
far-right extremist violence vary across time and place, or is it a homogenous phenomenon?
Specifically, our hypotheses state:
Hypothesis 1: There will be differences in incident-, suspect-, and victim-level attributes
between similar acts of fatal, ideological violence that have occurred in Germany and the
United States over the last 25 years.
Hypothesis 2: Differences in these attrib utes can be explained by differences in so cietal
characteristics between these two countries.
Theoretical Orientation
This study relies on a structured action perspective of far-right extremist homicide to examine
the dynamic relationships between situated human interactions and broad social structures. We
draw from both structured action theory (Messerschmidt, 1993) and doing difference theory
(Perry, 2001; West & Fernstermaker, 1995), adopting several assumptions about how society is
organized, how social categories are constructed and give n meaning, and the mutually reinforcing
relationship between personal identity building and shared expectations about appropriate social
roles.
We begin by recognizing that society is hierarchically organized around socially defined cate-
gories of race, class, gender, and nationality as well as other relevant status markers. Classifications
are imbued with meanings that are understood through the eyes of others, informing how we
86 International Criminal Justice Review 27(2)

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