Exploring the Consequences of Bullying Victimization in a Sample of Singapore Youth

• Author: Adam M. Bossler,Thomas J. Holt,Grace Chee,Esther Ai Hong Ng
• Date: 01 March 2013
• Published date: 01 March 2013
• DOI: 10.1177/1057567712475305
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article
International Criminal Justice Review
23(1) 25-40
Exploring the Consequences
ª 2013 Georgia State University
Reprints and permission:
of Bullying Victimization in a
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1057567712475305
icj.sagepub.com
Sample of Singapore Youth
Thomas J. Holt1, Grace Chee2,
Esther Ai Hong Ng3, and Adam M. Bossler4
Abstract
A substantial body of research has developed surrounding the phenomenon of bullying online and
off-line among youth populations. These studies demonstrate there are significant psychological and
emotional consequences for bullying victims. Researchers have not, however, explored in depth
how these outcomes differ across the sexes based on the types of bullying they experience. In
addition, few have explored these issues in a cross-national context to consider how variations in
technological access and exposure may impact behavior. Thus, this study utilizes a nationally
representative sample of youths from Singapore, a country with significant access to technology,
to consider how suicidal ideation and school truancy as a consequence of bullying are correlated
with bullying victimization online and off-line as well as technology use and various demographic
factors. The findings indicate that bullying victimization across virtual and real spaces are significantly
related to these outcomes and that there are significant differences between the sexes concerning
suicidal ideation. The utility of this study for both criminal justice and mental health practitioners are
examined in depth.
Keywords
Southeast Asia, comparative crime, justice, criminal victimization, other, gender and crime, justice,
other, bullying
Over the past few decades, bullying has been identified as one of the most significant problem
behaviors confronting children and adolescents (Olweus, 1991). In fact, some researchers have
labeled bullying among school-age youths a major public health concern (Nansel et al., 2001).
Bullying behaviors typically involve persistent physical, verbal, or emotional harassment of one
individual over another, often accompanied by a power imbalance that negatively impacts the
1 School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA
2 Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA
3 Coalition against Bullying for Children and Youth, Singapore, Singapore
4 Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology, Georgia Southern University, Statesboro, GA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Thomas J. Holt, School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 434 Baker Hall, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA.
Email: holtt@msu.edu

---

26
International Criminal Justice Review 23(1)
intended target (Dake, Price, & Telljohann, 2003). Bullying usually involves physical or verbal
abuse in the real world, though this has changed over the last two decades with the adoption and
dissemination of technology (Hinduja & Patchin, 2008; Raskauskas & Stoltz, 2007). The use of cell
phones, e-mail, instant messaging (IM), social networking sites, and other forms of computer-
mediated communications (CMC) allow individuals to create and send harassing messages or
rumors about victims in a distributed fashion (Berson, Berson, & Ferron, 2002; Hinduja & Patchin,
2008; Holt & Bossler, 2009; Twyman, Saylor, Taylor, & Comeaux, 2010; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004).
As a result, individuals may now be bullied both online and off-line, creating substantive
emotional and psychological consequences. Persistent bullying, regardless of environment, makes
victims vulnerable to social, physical, and mental health consequences (Arseneault, Walsh,
Trzesniewski, Newcombe, Caspi, & Moffitt, 2006; Sourander, Helstela, Helenius, & Piha, 2000).
Studies demonstrate that bullying victimization affects victims’ school attendance and academic
success (Glew, Fan, Katon, Rivara, & Kernic, 2005), emotional well-being (Nansel et al., 2001; van
der Wal, de Wit, & Hirasing, 2003), psychiatric symptoms (Kumpulainen & Rasanen, 2000), and
levels of depression and suicidal ideation (Kaltiala-Heino, Rimpela, Marttunen, Rimpela, &
Rantanen, 1999; Klomek et al., 2008). There is also a growing body of research examining the
impact of both real world, or traditional bullying, and cyberbullying which suggests that males and
females differ in their response to repeated victimization (Espelage, Mebane, & Swearer, 2004; Li,
2006; Scheithauer, Hayer, Pertermann, & Jugert, 2006; Smith et al., 2008; Whitney & Smith, 1993).
Although scientific evidence has provided a foundation for which to understand gender differ-
ences in responses to bullying victimization, scholars have yet to identify the gendered pathways
through which bullying victimizations online and off-line lead to specific concerns like skipping
school and suicidal ideation. In addition, most research on cyberbullying utilizes youth samples from
the United States (Hinduja & Patchin, 2008; Marcum, 2010; Wolak, Mitchell, & Finkelhor, 2007),
Canada (Beran & Li, 2005, 2007), and Turkey (Erdur-Baker, 2010). Few researchers have examined
the issue of cyberbullying among Asian youth (Hokoda, Lu, & Angels, 2006; Huang & Chou, 2010;
Li, 2006; Wong, Lok, Lo, & Ma, 2008), despite the fact that many Asian nations have significant
high-speed Internet connectivity and substantive access to technology.
In order to address these gaps in the literature, this study will examine the way that skipping
school and suicidal ideation as a consequence of bullying are impacted by traditional and cyberbul-
lying experiences, technology use, and demographic characteristics using a nationally representative
sample of youth in Singapore. Citizens of this country have a high degree of access to computers,
technology, and high-speed connectivity (Central Intelligence Agency World FactBook, 2006; Liau,
Khoo, & Hwaang, 2005), making this sample extremely valuable in order to understand variations in
the impact of bullying victimization online as well as off-line. The findings will also be segmented
by gender to understand sex differences in the consequences of bullying victimization. This study
benefits both criminal justice and mental health professionals by identifying variations in the impact
of bullying victimization in virtual and real environments for male and female youths.
Exploring the Consequences of Bullying
Recent research has demonstrated a substantial tie between bullying victimization and negative
outcomes. In particular, school absence may be a direct consequence of real-world bullying
experiences in an attempt to avoid persistent or repeated victimization. There is also evidence that
victims of bullying in online environments report increased school truancy (Katzer, Fetchenhauer, &
Belschak, 2009; Ybarra, Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2007), diminished academic performance
(Beran & Li, 2007), and feelings that school is no longer a safe place (Varjas, Henrich, & Meyers,
2009). Suicidal thoughts also appear to be directly correlated with both real-world (Kim, Koh, &
Leventhal, 2005; van der Wal et al., 2003) and cyberbullying experiences (Hinduja & Patchin,

---

Holt et al.
27
2008; Klomek et al., 2008; Li, 2006). There is also evidence that a small proportion of youth
experience bullying victimization online and off-line (Erdur-Baker, 2010; Hinduja & Patchin,
2008; Kowalski & Limber, 2007; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004). As a consequence, it is likely that
children who report negative emotional responses or school absence may do so as a result of bullying
in multiple environments.
Given youths’ increased exposure to technology (Hinduja & Patchin, 2008; Smith et al., 2008;
Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004) and the prevalence of cyberbullying, it is possible that there is a relation-
ship between the use of CMCs, mobile phones, school absences, and suicide. In fact, there is a direct
correlation between time spent online in social networks, chat rooms, and e-mail and experiencing
electronic bullying or harassment (Berson et al., 2002; Hinduja & Patchin, 2008; Holt & Bossler,
2009; Twyman et al., 2010; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004). In addition, there is some evidence to suggest
that bullying and harassment is gendered, in that females increase their risk of victimization by
spending increased time online (Holt & Bossler, 2009; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004). Furthermore, there
is some evidence to support that victims of bullying in both virtual and real environments utilize
technology more frequently, although males engage in more risky information sharing practices
generally (Erdur-Baker, 2010).
Finally, there are mixed results concerning the demographic correlates of various bullying
outcomes. Specifically, school adjustment, or attitudes toward school, appears to be correlated with
both bullying victimization (Beran & Li, 2007; Forero, McLellan, Rissel, & Bauman, 1999; Nansel
et al., 2001; Sourander et al., 2000; Wolke, Woods, Bloomfield, & Karstadt, 2000), and suicidal
ideation generally (Arseneault et al., 2006). Youths’ attitudes toward school can be negatively
impacted by bullying experiences online and off-line, affecting academic performance and fear of
school environments (Esbensen & Carson, 2009; Glew, et al., 2005; Sourander et al., 2010). In turn,
school affect will most likely be related to both increased levels of truancy (Beran & Li, 2007;
Esbensen & Carson, 2009; Nansel et al., 2001; Wolke et al., 2000) and suicidal ideation (van der
Wal et al., 2003).
Age may also be related to differential outcomes related to bullying victimization. For instance,
...