Evidence‐Based and Victim‐Centered Prosecutorial Policies

AuthorMary A. Finn
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12049
Date01 August 2013
Published date01 August 2013
RESEARCH ARTICLE
VICTIM-CENTERED PROSECUTORIAL
POLICIES
Evidence-Based and Victim-Centered
Prosecutorial Policies
Examination of Deterrent and Therapeutic Jurisprudence
Effects on Domestic Violence
Mary A. Finn
Georgia State University
Many innovations designed to enhance victim safety and ensureoffender account-
ability in domestic violence cases have occurred over the past three decades.
In addition to proarrest policies enacted by law enforcement, prosecutors have
played central roles in the adoption of mandatory prosecution, specialized domestic violence
courts, and community coordinated responses (Worrall,2008: 235). These innovations were
undertaken to assure better justice outcomes for victims and communities by preventing
prosecutors from routinely screening out domestic violence cases because of victim reluc-
tance to proceed (Goodman, Bennett, and Dutton, 1999) or perceptions of such offenses
as trivial (Hart, 1993). Nearly three quarters of prosecutors surveyed in more than 200
domestic violence courts reported that they often or always proceeded with a case regardless
of the victim’s willingness to support prosecution (Labriola, Bradley, O’Sullivan, Rempel,
and Moore, 2009: 42). Thus, regardless of whether domestic violence cases were processed
through traditional or specialized courts, prosecutors remained powerful actors in the justice
process (Krug, 2002), serving as the key decision makers in selection and screening of cases
for adjudication (Jacoby, 1980: 107). Despite their important role, prosecutors have not
garnered the attention of scholars (Dempsey, 2009; Worrall, Ross, and McCord, 2006).
Advanced in the wake of research indicating that arrests deterred futureabuse (Maxwell,
Garner, and Fagan, 2001; Sherman and Berk, 1984), mandatory prosecution policies
Data for this research were obtained from a project funded under Grant 1999-WT-VX-0008 from the National
Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. Direct all correspondence to Mary A.
Finn, Department of Criminal Justice & Criminology, Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State
University, 140 Decatur Street, Atlanta, GA 30302-4018 (e-mail: mfinn@gsu.edu).
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12049 C2013 American Society of Criminology 443
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 12 rIssue 3
Research Article Victim-Centered Prosecutorial Policies
(often also referred to as no-drop, evidence-based, or victim-less policies) were reportedly in
widespread use in prosecutors’ offices in large urban counties by the mid-1990s (Corsilles,
1994; Rebovich, 1996). Indeed, several scholars linked the adoption of mandatory prose-
cution policies specifically to higher prosecution and conviction rates and lower diversion
and deferred adjudication rates for domestic violence cases across the United States (Klein,
2009; Smith, Durose, and Langan, 2008). Mandatory prosecution policies convey an insti-
tutional commitment to treat domestic violence as a serious crime and, thus, may serve as a
powerful specific deterrent to batterers (Ferraro and Pope, 1993) and a general deterrent to
potential domestic violence perpetrators (Goolkasian, 1986; Hanna, 1996; Lerman, 1981).
Such policies were applauded because they clarified that domestic violence is a crime against
the society and not just against the battered victim (McCord, 1992; Wills, 1997). As such,
the state, not the victim, was the aggrieved party and the prosecutor controlled the direction
of the prosecution (Corsilles, 1994; Wills, 1997). Some prosecutors and advocates reported
that adoption of mandatory prosecution reduced batterer intimidation of victims (Wills,
1997) and increased the batterer’sguilty pleas (Goolkasian, 1986). Given that such policies
prevented prosecutors from dropping domestic violence cases as long as sufficient evidence
existed to prove a crime occurred (Epstein, 1999), case attrition rates were lower (Corsilles,
1994).
However, critics of mandatory prosecution charged that resources were wasted by
requiring that the prosecution proceed with cases that, without victim cooperation, had
little chance of resulting in convictions (Corsilles, 1994), thus contributing to overcrowded
court dockets (Davis, Smith, and Nickles, 1998). In addition, critics believed that such
policies undercut efforts at empowering victims of abuse, further eroding their self-esteem
and sense of control (Epstein, 1999; Ford, 1991; Goodman and Epstein,2007; Goolkasian,
1986; Han, 2003; Zorza, 2010). Moreover, it was suggested that such policies further
victimized women if enforcement of mandatory prosecution led to punitive actions against
them (see Dempsey, 2009; Esptein, 1999; Waites, 1985), increased the risk of batterer
retaliation, and perhaps most importantly, discouraged victims from calling the police if
violence reoccurred (Bell, Goodman, and Dutton, 2007; Mills, 1998). Indeed, it was partly
because of concerns about both the waste of resources and the potential harmful effects of
coercing victims to move forward in cases that some jurisdictions adopted victim-centered
policies (Davis, O’Sullivan, Farole, and Rempel, 2008).
On three separate occasions over the previous 8 years, Criminology & Public Policy
has published articles that examined the influence of adoption of mandatory prosecutorial
policies in cases of domestic violence on several important outcomes, including extent and
length of court oversight and convictions (Peterson and Dixon, 2005); pleas, sentences,
and time to disposition (Davis, Smith, and Taylor, 2003); and recidivism, victim safety,
victim satisfaction, and empowerment (Davis et al., 2008) in criminal courts in New York
City and in Milwaukee, WI (Davis et al., 2003). Policy essays accompanying the articles
consistently noted the importance of understanding how prosecutorial decisions that do not
444 Criminology & Public Policy

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