Ethiopian Males Account for the Double Acts of Murder and Suicide Committed by Males in Ethiopian Families Postmigration to Israel

• Author: Brenda Geiger
• DOI: 10.1177/1057567713500789
• Published date: 01 September 2013
• Date: 01 September 2013
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article

Ethiopian Males Account for

the Double Acts of Murder

and Suicide Committed by

Males in Ethiopian Families

Postmigration to Israel

Brenda Geiger

1

Abstract

This qualitative research turns to 24 male members of the Ethiopian Jewish community living in Israel

to probe their feelings and thoughts concerning the changes that have occurred to their traditions

and community postmigration, and gain insight into the disproportionate rise in domestic murder

and subsequent suicide committed by males in their community. During semistructured interviews

conducted in Amharit, the interviewees opposed the dominant discourse that cast murder and

suicide as pathologies resulting from Ethiopian males’ failure to assimilate. In a resistant discourse,

they revealed the oppression and destruction of a cultural heritage and identity and their struggles to

regain their family and community. Paradoxically, these men perceived the Israeli democratic system

of law and order as discriminating against men, and as depriving the Ethiopian community of the basic

right to choose its own traditions and spiritual leaders (Kessim and Shmagaleh) who helped resolving

marital disputes. Fearing court restraining orders, arrest, and imprisonment in the midst of a cultural

and social void, Ethiopian males felt isolated and alienated with no community support. In a last

resistant effort to regain their dignity while protesting against the oppression of the Israeli system of

law and social order that discriminated against men and a dominant culture that had destroyed their

community, Ethiopian males killed their spouse and committed suicide.

Keywords

Ethiopian immigrants, domestic violence, suicide, social control

This qualitative research turns to male members of the Ethiopian community living in Israel to

gain insight, based on their narratives, about the changes that have occurred to their family and

community post migration that they may account for the disproportionate rise of spouse murder and

subsequent suicide committed by males of their community. Ethiopian Jews living in Israel are

1

Western Galilee College of Bar Ilan University, Acre, Israel

Corresponding Author:

Brenda Geiger Ph.D., Western Galilee College of Bar Ilan University, P.O.B. 2125, Acre 24121, Israel.

Email: geigerb@netvision.net.il

International CriminalJustice Review

23(3) 233-251

ª2013 Georgia State University

Reprints and permission:

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DOI: 10.1177/1057567713500789

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125,000 in number and compose 1.5%of the Israeli population. Of these, 81,000 were born in Ethio-

pia and the remainder was born in Israel. Civil war, famine, and religious faith prompted the state of

Israel to rescue the Ethiopian Jewry during two main rescue operations: Operation Moses

(1981–1984) and Operation Solomon (1991; Habib, Halaban-Eilat, Shatz, & Almog, 2010).

In Ethiopia, the Jewish community was patriarchal, with a hierarchy of authority based on age

(elders), family authority by gender (males), and ethnic function (Kaissim-rabbis or Shmagaleh-

mediators) of its members (Ben-Ezer, 1992, 2002). Men worked in agriculture as farmers, black-

smiths, or potters, and were the only financial providers of the family. Women married at around

12 years old and moved to live with the husband’s extended family. They remained at home to fulfill

the traditional roles of spouse and mother. The father, head of his family, made all decisions regard-

ing other family members and represented the family in front of the community (Ben-Ezer, 1987;

Doleve-Gandelman, 1990; Reitzes, 2008).

Patterns of communications in the Ethiopian community are regulated by a code of honor prohi-

biting from those occupying a subordinate position in the hierarchy of authority to argue, disagree, or

say ‘‘no!’’ to a person of superior authority (father, husband, or Kaissim or Shmagaleh). Disagree-

ment or refusal may, at most, be expressed by remaining silent (Ben-Ezer, 2002; Kacen, 2006).

Women and children who occupy a subordinate position in this hierarchy are not allowed to initiate

a conversation, argue, or disagree with the father or husband who is higher in authority. Saying

‘‘N o!’’ refusing and arguing rather than remaining silent are signs of defiance, disrespect, and lack

of proper education that demand correction (Ben-Ezer, 1987, 1992; Kacen, 2006).

The father/husband had therefore the right and responsibility to chastise, educate, and discipline

his wife and/or children upon transgression of this code. The minimization and legitimization of

domestic violence as educational beating is shown by the lack of words in the Amharic language

for ‘‘domestic violence,’’ which is substituted by the terms disagreement and/or marital dispute

when referring to this phenomenon (Kacen, 2006). When a couple, in Ethiopia, could not resolve

a marital dispute, they would appeal to various circles of arbitration, negotiation, and mediation.

Parents and other family members were the first to help in negotiation. They had the authority to

direct, if not threaten, the couple to reach peace-Arak. In case the family was unsuccessful in achiev-

ing Arak and a woman continued to be abused by her husband, she could escape to the neighbors or

go back to her parents. The dispute was then brought to the arbitration of the Shmagaleh, elders of

the communities, whose authority, discretion, and impartiality was undisputed by all the members of

the community including the abusive husband (Ben-Ezer, 2002).

The collectivist orientation of the Ethiopian community regards individual members’ identity as

inseparable from the extended family and community (Ben-Ezer, 2002; Kacen, 2006). Conse-

quently, the primary consideration of the Shmagaleh when resolving a marital dispute is to preserve

the social order and community’s welfare. The personal well-being of individual members is of

secondary importance (Ben-Ezer, 2002; Kacen, 2006). Arbitration may last days or weeks during

which the couple and their families appear in front of the informal court of Shmagaleh until

peace-Arak is reached. If the husband is found guilty of abuse and peace-Arak between the couple

has been reached, the husband will be summoned to go to his father-in-law, kneel on his knees, and

ask for forgiveness. Women are exempted from this ceremony since it is judged too humiliating for

women. Appeal to the Kaissim, the Rabbi/Rabbis of the community, is of a last resort in marital con-

flict resolution. The Kaissim’s presence and authority, usually, has a deterrent effect on the couple

and push them to resolve their dispute. Nevertheless, if despite the Kaissim interference domestic

peace was not reached, then the Kaissim and Shmagaleh would recommend the dissolution of the

marriage (Ben-Ezer, 2002; Kacen, 2006).

Post migration to Israel, Ethiopian males facing structural dislocation with jobs no longer relevant

in the Israeli economy. Being unemployed and working at best for minimum wage, they no longer

were able to provide for the financial needs of their family (Fenster, 1998; Habib et al., 2010;

234 International Criminal Justice Review 23(3)