ELIO CARANTI. Sociologia e statistica delle elezioni italiane nel dopoguerra. Pp. 176. Rome: Editrice Studium, n. d. L. 200

AuthorRobert Sabatino Lopez
Published date01 March 1956
Date01 March 1956
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/000271625630400174
Subject MatterArticles
189
porations
in
order
to
make
effective
use
of
the
yardstick
principle
as
in
the
Tennessee
Valley
Authority;
(3)
where
international
interdependencies
and
the
need
for
the
de-
velopment
of
large
free-market
areas
are
especially
striking
the
subjection
of
na-
tional
corporations
to
super-national
au-
thorities
as
in
the
case
of
the
European
Coal
and
Steel
Community;
and
(4)
the
giving
up,
or
&dquo;privatizing,&dquo;
of
a
wide
va-
riety
of
relatively
small,
scattered
indus-
tries
and
businesses
from
whose
operation
by
government,
even
to
the
most
ardent
socializers,
little
of
public
advantage
can
be
expected.
There
are
a
few
flaws
in
these
otherwise
admirable
short
studies.
Closer
familiarity
with
the
British
nationalized
industries
would
have
disclosed
that
they
are
by
no
means
the
models
of
efficiency
these
au-
thors
imply.
Nor
will
it
do
to
assume
that
the
nonnationalized
industries
in
that
coun-
try
are
left
untouched
because
they
are
not
in
need
of
reorganization.
The
chaos
of
the
British
textile
industry
is
a
particu-
larly
striking
case
in
point.
Again,
TVA
was
only
in
part
advocated
because
of
its
yardstick
function.
Far
more
important
were
the
problems
of
multiple
purpose
de-
velopment.
The
need
for technical
ra-
tionalization
of
both
French
and
Italian
industries,
heavy
and
light
alike,
is
greater
than
these
writers
suppose.
Nevertheless,
this
volume
is
a
remark-
ably
compact,
objective,
and
well-reasoned
presentation
of
one
of
the
most
significant
problems
of
contemporary
times.
ROBERT
A.
BRADY
University
of
California
Berkeley
ELIO
CARANTI.
Sociologia
e
statistica
delle
elezioni
italiane
nel
dopoguerra.
Pp.
176.
Rome:
Editrice
Studium,
n.
d.
L.
200.
While
statistics
in
Italy
has
a
long
and
brilliant
history,
electoral
statistics
and
its
scientific
elaboration
had
to
wait
for
the
fall
of
the
Fascist
regime.
Therefore
Elio
Caranti’s
little
book,
in
spite
of
a
certain
lack
of
depth
and
of
methodological
short-
comings,
must
be
welcomed
as a
pioneer
work
which
will
render
good
services
to
an
expert
reader
and
will
provide
the
unex-
perienced
one
with
a
well
rounded,
if
not
wholly
unbiased,
political
orientation.
Though
Signor
Caranti
occasionally
quotes
American
works,
his
methods
are
chiefly
those
of
the
French
school
of
géographie
Jlectorale
founded
by
Andr6
Siegfried.
This
is
quite
understandable
since
France
and
Italy
have
much
in
common,
includ-
ing
a
multiparty
system.
Siegfried,
how-
ever,
singled
out
two
opposite
tendencies-
conservatism
and
progressiveness-as
the
basic
ingredients
which,
more
or
less
wa-
tered
down
or
intermingled,
form
the
foun-
dation
of
the
checkered
and
changing
po-
litical
spectrum
of
France.
Perhaps
be-
cause
he
does
not
like
to
call
his
own
party
&dquo;conservative,&dquo;
Signor
Caranti,
ob-
viously
a
Demochristian
of
the
left
wing,
introduces
a
few
more
&dquo;cardinal
points,&dquo;
extremism
(represented
by
Communists
and
Fascists)
and
moderation
(represented
by
Demochristians
and
Republicans).
Cer-
tainly
this
distinction
has
tremendous
prac-
tical
importance
and
may
often
lead
both
extremes
to
gang
up
against
a
coalized
mean;
but
does
it
really
represent
another
Cartesian
co-ordinate
rather
than
a
differ-
ence
in
intensity
along
the
same
line?
Moderate
though
they
are,
the
policies
of
the
Demochristians
are
definitely
conserva-
tive.
In
words
if
not
in
deeds,
the
Com-
munist
platform
is
extreme
but
progres-
sive.
If
Siegfried’s
graded
scale
needs
an-
other
co-ordinate,
this
ought
rather
to
be
the
opposition
between
lay
and
religious
tendencies,
which
is
independent
of
con-
servatism
and
progressiveness
and
may
be
observed
at
all
ranges
of
the
graded
scale.
One
does
not
have
to
agree
with
Signor
Caranti
to
appreciate
the
wealth
of
sta-
tistical
data
often
divided
by
regions,
provinces,
age
groups,
and
sexes
which
he
offers
on
every
Italian
vote
since
1946
and
on
a
good
deal
of
relevant
economic,
cul-
tural,
and
social
problems.
The
latter
will
prove
most
instructive
for
the
average
American
reader
who
can
easily
find
in
his
newspaper
a
competent
analysis
of
the
Italian
vote
and
its
changes
from
one
elec-
tion
to
another,
but
not
a
reminder
of
such
underlying
factors
as
the
following:
in
Upper
Italy
only
0.3
per
cent
of
brides
in
1951
were
unable
to
sign
their
wedding
certificate,
whereas
in
Southern
Italy
the

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