Economic Effects of Adolescent to Adult Patterns of Cannabis Use: Full-Time Employment and Employment Stability

• Author: Pilar Larroulet,Kimberly L. Henry,Megan Bears Augustyn,Thomas Loughran
• Published date: 01 October 2020
• DOI: 10.1177/0022042620943538
• Date: 01 October 2020
• Subject Matter: Articles

https://doi.org/10.1177/0022042620943538

Journal of Drug Issues

2020, Vol. 50(4) 579 –603

© The Author(s) 2020

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DOI: 10.1177/0022042620943538

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Article

Economic Effects of Adolescent

to Adult Patterns of Cannabis

Use: Full-Time Employment and

Employment Stability

Megan Bears Augustyn1, Thomas Loughran2,

Pilar Larroulet3,4 , and Kimberly L. Henry5

Abstract

Research has yet to examine stability in employment as a function of cannabis use once an

individual transitions into full-time work. Using data from the Rochester Youth Development

Study, trajectories of cannabis use spanning ages 14 to 30 were identified among a sample of

predominantly minorities (>80%; 68% African American). After hard-classifying individuals by

patterns of cannabis use, probabilities of full-time employment and conditional probabilities

of full-time employment were calculated and compared across patterns of use. Abstention or

rare cannabis use was associated with a higher likelihood of full-time employment compared

with other cannabis use patterns. Full-time employment stability was high for each pattern of

cannabis use (>89%) and differences decreased with age and prior periods of employment. The

results indicate that patterns of cannabis use spanning adolescence to adulthood have limited

impact on the ability to retain full-time employment once employed and are interpreted in light

of growing legalization of cannabis use.

Keywords

cannabis use, full-time employment, group-based trajectory models, job stability, marijuana use

Introduction

Economic attainment is linked to illicit substance use (e.g., Compton et al., 2014; Henkel, 2011;

Huang et al., 2011). Typically, chronic, persistent use of illicit substances, including cannabis, is

associated with worse outcomes across a range of economic domains, notably educational attain-

ment, unemployment, income, and overall socioeconomic status (SES) (Bray et al., 2000;

Roebuck et al., 2004; Thompson et al., 2019). For instance, Compton and colleagues (2014) used

1The University of Texas at San Antonio, TX, USA

2Pennsylvania State University, State College, PA, USA

3University of Maryland, College Park, USA

4Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, Chile

5Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO, USA

Corresponding Author:

Megan Bears Augustyn, The University of Texas at San Antonio, 501 W. Cesar Chavez Blvd., San Antonio, TX 78207,

USA.

Email: megan.augustyn@utsa.edu

943538JODXXX10.1177/0022042620943538Journal of Drug IssuesAugustyn et al.

research-article2020

580 Journal of Drug Issues 50(4)

data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health from 2002 to 2010 and found that unem-

ployed individuals reported higher rates of cannabis use compared with employed individuals.

This is noteworthy since cannabis is the most commonly used illicit drug in the United States

(Azofeifa et al., 2016).

Cannabis use is not without consequences outside the economic sphere either. In fact, some of

these documented consequences may account for economic difficulties faced by current cannabis

users or those with a history of cannabis use. In the short term, cannabis use is associated with

impaired memory, altered judgment, and reduced motor coordination; in the long term, it is associ-

ated with altered brain development, reduced learning ability and memory, a decrease in IQ, lim-

ited educational attainment, vascular conditions, reduced immunologic competence, and addiction

(for a review, see Meier et al., 2012; Volkow et al., 2014). The long-term consequences are particu-

larly likely if cannabis use begins early in adolescence and/or occurs frequently for a significant

period (spanning developmental periods; see Macleod et al., 2004; Pletcher et al., 2012).

Notwithstanding the known consequences of cannabis use, cannabis use policies are changing

in the United States. As of 2019, 11 states plus the District of Columbia have legalized cannabis

use while 33 other states have either decriminalized cannabis use, allowed for medical usage, or

both (National Conference of State Legislatures, 2019). These policy changes are intertwined

with more permissive societal attitudes toward cannabis use (e.g., Miech et al., 2017) and the

growing recognition of heterogeneity in cannabis use (i.e., chronic use vs. recreational use).

Recent policy changes are also, in part, a response to the War on Drugs and its disproportionate

targeting of communities of color, leading to higher arrest rates for marijuana possession and use

among minorities, particularly Blacks (American Civil Liberties Union [ACLU], 2013).

In tandem with the legalization of cannabis use, some employers have begun to reassess com-

pany policies that limit the hiring and/or continued employment based on cannabis use, poten-

tially increasing economic opportunities for cannabis users. This includes no longer asking

potential hires about past cannabis convictions and/or eliminating cannabis screenings altogether

(Maurer, 2019). Alternatively, some employers have adopted a blanket policy that prohibits can-

nabis use among employees regardless of state laws (Maurer, 2019). Given the current climate

regarding cannabis use, it is important to understand the extent to which an individual’s prior and

current cannabis use is related to employment and ultimate economic attainment. For instance, if

certain patterns of cannabis use negatively affect employment, then understanding the conditions

under which cannabis use deleteriously affects individual and company prosperity may have

important implications for policy creation/revision.

Developmental Patterns of Cannabis Use

Cannabis use at the population level peaks in late adolescence and early adulthood (Schulenberg

et al., 2017). This peak in overall prevalence is often associated with reduced constraints and

growing freedoms associated with this time in the life-course in tandem with increased identity

exploration and the importance of peers (who often use alcohol and drugs to facilitate the peer

bonding experience; Bachman et al., 2002). Subsequently, population-based trends suggest a

“maturing out” of substance use with age, likely associated with the onset of new responsibilities

in the form of work, family, and citizenship (Bachman et al., 2002; Schulenberg et al., 2003).

Still, these population-level estimates and mechanisms underscoring patterns of cannabis use

mask substantial individual heterogeneity in the prevalence and course of cannabis use at the

individual level (Curran and Willoughby, 2003; Schulenberg et al., 2003). For instance, emerging

adulthood itself is associated with significant variation in cannabis use across individuals. For

some, cannabis use peaks in emerging adulthood and then declines continually with age. For oth-

ers, cannabis use begins to increase. Finally, use may have subsided completely by this point in

the life-course (Arnett, 2000; Bachman et al., 2002; Schulenberg et al., 2003).