Drawing, and Redrawing, the Line Between Juvenile and Adult Court Jurisdiction

AuthorSonja E. Siennick
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12278
Date01 February 2017
Published date01 February 2017
EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION
RAISING THE AGE OF MAJORITY
Drawing, and Redrawing, the Line Between
Juvenile and Adult Court Jurisdiction
Sonja E. Siennick
Florida State University
Traditionally,the philosophy behind the juvenile court has been to balance sanctions
with services and offender accountability with rehabilitation. By doing this, and
by providing a separate venue for the processing and punishment of juveniles, the
court is assumed to offer juveniles some protection against the harms of being handled in
criminal (adult) court. Yet it is unclear exactly what effects juvenile court processing has,
or even should have, on juvenile crime and recidivism. If this processing results in more
effective treatments and supports than would criminal court processing, the result may be
lower juvenile recidivism. If, however, juvenile court processing is a weaker deterrent, the
result may be more juvenile recidivism and crime.
Much of the mixed evidence on these potential effects comes from studies of juveniles
who are transferred to criminal court—for instance, those prosecutors choose to charge in
criminal court or those automatically processed in criminal court by virtue of the specific
offense they committed (for reviews, see McGowan et al., 2007; Redding, 2010; Zane,
Welsh, and Mears, 2016). Although the aim of much research has tended to focus on
juvenile transfers, far more juvenile offenders—perhaps up to 90% of juveniles handled
in criminal courts—are affected by state statutes that set the upper age of juvenile court
jurisdiction younger than 17 years of age (Griffin, Addie, Adams, and Firestine, 2011). In
the early 2000s, 13 states had juvenile court upper boundary ages of 15 (3 states) or 16
(10 states; Snyder and Sickmund, 2006). In those states, the criminal court had original
jurisdiction over juveniles who were older than those ages at the time of their offense. Most
of these states implemented their statutes many decades ago, but two—New Hampshire
and Wisconsin—lowered their boundary ages to 16 in 1996, amidst a nationwide trend
toward “get-tough”policies (Willison, Mears, Shollenberger, Owens, and Butts, 2009; Zang,
2016).
I thank Mayra Picon for research assistance. Direct correspondence to Sonja E. Siennick, College of
Criminology and Criminal Justice, Florida State University, Eppes Hall, 112 South Copeland Street, Tallahassee,
FL 32306-1273 (e-mail: ssiennick@fsu.edu).
DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12278 C2017 American Society of Criminology 41
Criminology & Public Policy rVolume 16 rIssue 1

To continue reading

Request your trial

VLEX uses login cookies to provide you with a better browsing experience. If you click on 'Accept' or continue browsing this site we consider that you accept our cookie policy. ACCEPT